According to Diane Watt: “Throughout the medieval and early modern periods, women and men of all social ranks and levels of education declared themselves to be prophets and visionaries inspired by God to proclaim His, or sometimes Her, message to the people. The substance of such divine revelations might be doctrinal, soteriological, apocalyptic, millenarian or chiliastic, orthodox or heretical, entirely religious or also political.” 2Diane Watt, Secretaries of God: Women Prophets in Late Medieval and Early Modern England (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997), 2. The manifestation of prophetic revelations in such cases took various forms. Some were prophets as spokespersons for God or on behalf of God and sometimes in the popular sense predicted the future; some were mystics and attained a special communion with God and those whose revelations were concerned with the way of perfection while others were visionaries and received revelations of transcendent realities. 3Ibid., 3.In France, England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, these individuals endowed with such a gift of prophecy “believed that they were called to utter a divine message and witness to the world.” 4Ibid., 163. GOP 224.4
Catholic and Protestant visionaries were common during the period of the Reformation. 5See Niels Christian Hvidt, Christian Prophecy: The Post-Biblical Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007); Kirsi Stjerna, Women and the Reformation (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2009); and Watt.. Yet all Magisterial Reformers of the sixteenth century rejected the manifestation of prophetic dreams and visions in their midst and did not consider themselves as endowed with such a supernatural gift of prophecy. For them the gift of prophecy was no longer needed after the end of the writing of the New Testament. In part, what led them to this conclusion was the abuse and fanaticism experienced by some followers of the Reformation, in particular the followers of Thomas Müntzer, the Zwickau Prophets, and the Spiritualists of St. Gall. GOP 225.1
In 1521-1522 while Martin Luther was in hiding at Wartburg Castle, after his defiance of the emperor at Worms in April 1521, Andreas Karlstadt and other associates of Luther attempted to implement in Wittenberg some of the changes he had started with his new theology. Some of these innovations included the celebration of the Lord’s Supper under both kinds without references to sacrifice, the real presence of Christ, and the removal of images in churches. Some of these changes led to episodes of fanaticism, which in turn led Luther to distance himself from these reforms. GOP 225.2
At first a friend and devoted ally of Luther, Karlstadt soon became a bitter foe, and when Luther abruptly returned to Wittenberg in March 1522, he reversed most of the reforms Karlstadt had initiated in his absence. 6Ronald J. Sider, “Introduction,” in Ronald J. Snider, ed., Karlstadt’s Battle With Luther: Documents in a Liberal-Radical Debate (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1978), 1-4. As part of his rhetoric against Karlstadt, Luther accused his former friend of exhibiting the same spirit of fanaticism as seen in Thomas Müntzer and the Zwickau Prophets; in particular, Luther took issue with the claim that these reformers received direct visions from God and heard “the living voice of God.” Although Karlstadt strongly denied the claim that he received visions from God, Luther did not change his mind about his former friend, and classified him as a heretic and fanatic. GOP 225.3
Connected with Thomas Müntzer in Zwickau in 1521, the Zwickau Prophets fled to Wittenberg in December 1521. They rejected infant baptism, claimed direct revelations from God, and advocated the use of force against the godless. Many historians claim that they significantly influenced Karlstadt in the reforms he advocated during Luther’s absence; however, the evidence is not conclusive. In any case, their appeal to visions and revelation apart from the Word of God was a position inimical to Luther’s sola Scriptura and was perceived as belittling biblical authority. 7Ibid., 41, note 7. GOP 225.4
Written in December 1524 and January 1525, “Against the Heavenly Prophets” was Luther’s most vigorous attack against Karlstadt and the Zwickau Prophets. Even though Karlstadt attempted repeatedly to distance himself from the unorthodox revelations and practices of the Zwickau Prophets, Luther continued to identify Karlstadt with the group. 8Ibid., 92-125. Twelve years later, in his Smalcald articles of 1537, Luther still clearly rejected any manifestation of new divine revelations beyond what is already given in the Bible, at least as he saw it. For Luther, Radical Reformers taught that people should seek God outside of the Bible, looking instead to their inner feelings, thoughts, and other so-called spiritual experiences. All these manifestations were suspect as they replaced the Word of God as the sole authority in matters of faith. “In issues relating to the spoken, outward Word,” he wrote, “we must firmly hold that God grants His Spirit or grace to no one except through or with the preceding outward Word. This protects us from the enthusiasts (i.e., souls who boast that they have the Spirit without and before the Word). They judge Scripture or the spoken Word and explain and stretch it at their pleasure, as [Thomas] Munzer did.” Luther also equated such new revelations with the unbiblical pronouncements of the papacy, which are “above and contrary to Scripture and the spoken Word.” 9Martin Luther, The Smalcald Articles, part III, article VIII, “Confession,” in Concordia: The Lutheran Confessions, gen. ed. Paul Timothy McCain, 2nd ed. (St. Louis: Concordia, 2006), 280. GOP 226.1
From the time of Thomas Müntzer’s activities in Zwickau, and later the revolutionary incidents in Munster (February 1534 to June 1535), most radical reformation attempts at surpassing the reforms implemented by Luther became suspected of fanaticism. Although there was a broad distinction between various branches of Anabaptism, between its militant inclinations on the one hand and quietist tendencies on the other, any group inclined to extremism or to seek a deeper reformation was branded “Anabaptist.” 10Harry Loewen, Luther and the Radicals: Another Look at Some Aspects of the Struggle Between Luther and the Radical Reformers (Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier University, 1974), 21-23. Many separate communities, seeking not to provoke antagonism, were unfortunately associated with the more violent and apocalyptic segments of the movement. GOP 226.2
“The Protestants of Protestantism,” as Roger Olson describes them, include three distinct subgroups: Anabaptists, spirituals (or spiritualists), and anti-Trinitarian rationalists. 11Roger E. Olson, The Story of Christian Theology: Twenty Centuries of Tradition and Reform (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity, 1999), 415. The largest and most influential group was the Anabaptists, who left a significant mark on Christian theology through leaders such as Balthasar Hubmaier and Menno Simons (whose name was kept by Mennonites). This group arose from Switzerland, the “Swiss Brethren,” and from a simple statement of faith, the Schleitheim Articles, written in 1527. GOP 226.3
For Catholics who made little distinctions between “Lutheran” and “Anabaptist,” the latter became a convenient label to suggest revolutionary intent against the monarchy. Since King Francis I of France believed his Protestants were Anabaptists, John Calvin set out to refute this claim by writing his first edition of the Institutes of the Christian Religion, which he began in 1535, the year after the Munster events. 12Geoffrey Treasure, The Huguenots (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2013), 48, 78. In every edition of his Institutes, Calvin mentioned his opposition to the Radical Reformers. As Luther did with Karlstadt—among Protestants—the label “Anabaptist” became a catchall for people associated with the Protestant movement in separation from the state, and with visionary experiences in addition to the revelation of God’s will in Scripture. But some charismatic Anabaptist leaders did believe in a quest for the New Jerusalem on earth. According to historian Geoffrey Treasure, among them “Melchior Hoffman sought to establish an alternative theological position to that of Luther. Churches were to be controlled by prophets; they in turn to be subject to ‘apostolic messengers.’ ” 13Ibid., 49. GOP 227.1
Melchior Hoffman began his ministry as a Lutheran evangelist, but Luther soon disowned him because of his apocalyptic spirituality and rejection of the Lord’s Supper as a sacrament. Hoffman was given to an allegorical interpretation of Scripture and prophecy based on his studies, especially of the books of Daniel and Revelation. His belief in visions also confirmed to him that the end of the world was near. Hoffman’s continuing interest in prophecy and the nearness of Christ’s return was encouraged by the visions and dreams of some of his disciples, Leonhard and Ursula Jost, Barbara Rebstock, and others. These led him to believe Strasbourg would be the spiritual Jerusalem, and that he himself was Elijah chosen to proclaim the coming event to all people. 14Cornelius J. Dyck, An Introduction to Mennonite History: A Popular History of the Anabaptists and the Mennonites, 3rd ed. (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1993), 97. GOP 227.2
Some of Hoffman’s disciples arrived in Münster, in north Germany, in 1534. There Jan Matthys found several preachers who agreed with him, and a new prophecy changed the location of the New Jerusalem to Munster. Another change was also resorting to violence. According to Mennonite historian Cornelius Dyck, “Hoffman had been peaceful and urged his followers to wait for God to set up his kingdom at the appointed time. The possibility of calling upon his faithful to help annihilate the wicked by force of arms was an option but only at Christ’s return. Christ would give them the swords.” But, in contrast, Matthys taught that the faithful were to prepare for the return of Christ and make a place for His kingdom by destroying the wicked. Everyone in Munster was soon forced to receive baptism and join the new community, or leave the city. Preparations were made for the ultimate battle against the wicked, but an army supported by the German princes finally took the city on June 24, 1535. 15Ibid., 99. See also Loewen’s study of the events at Münster, Luther and the Radicals, 95-107. GOP 227.3
This sad episode gave a bad name to Anabaptists everywhere. All Anabaptists were now labeled as visionaries and revolutionaries, and therefore persecuted. It is in response to this situation and the confusion it caused that Luther and Calvin, and the Magisterial Reformation in general, took a strong position against Anabaptists and modern prophecies. It was also in response to these visionaries that the Reformers emphasized sola Scriptura as the only stable standard of doctrines. Since visionaries and personal revelations tended to produce fanaticism and confusion, the objective word of God in Scripture became even more the only standard of faith and practice. The surety and reliability of the Word of God provided a steadfast answer and rebuke to subjective visions and revelations. GOP 228.1
Yet the Anabaptist understanding of many beliefs is also shared by Seventh-day Adventists. Luther’s belief in the priesthood of all believers was fully adopted by Anabaptists who understood that with the illumination of the Holy Spirit, Christians could by themselves understand the Scripture. Their understanding of ministry was more collegial and did not produce a sharp distinction between clergy and laity, as happened among Lutherans. Anabaptists accepted the perspicuity of Scripture in ways that Luther and the Magisterial Reformation did not foresee. Among some Anabaptists, accepting the principle of sola Scriptura led to a conviction in nuda Scriptura (nothing but Scripture), and the rejection of all constituted authority to give guidance in the interpretation of Scriptures. 16The definition of sola Scriptura has been a matter of debate in theological discussions. In this context the Magisterial Reformers did not understand sola Scriptura to mean the rejection of some historical documents, such as creeds, or decisions of some church councils, or the writings of some Church Fathers, such as Augustine, which they considered in harmony with the teachings of Scripture. Luther, for example, used the Apostles’ Creed as the basis of a section in his Small and Large Catechisms, and Calvin often quoted from Augustine and other Church Fathers to support his conclusions. Anabaptists, however, categorically refused to use any such documents to guide their interpretation of Scripture or to determine if it is in harmony with earlier Christian thought. Such an approach to the Scriptures gave way to strong individualism and consequently to the rejection of all secular and religious authorities that deny the possibility of the manifestation of some spiritual gifts. Early Adventists accepted this approach to Scripture and spiritual gifts. 17The following comment by Ellen White in The Great Controversy is closer in thought and intention to the Anabaptist view of nuda Scriptura than to the Magisterial Reformers’ view: “But God will have a people upon the earth to maintain the Bible, and the Bible only, as the standard of all doctrines and the basis of all reforms. The opinions of learned men, the deductions of science, the creeds or decisions of ecclesiastical councils, as numerous and discordant as are the churches which they represent, the voice of the majority—not one nor all of these should be regarded as evidence for or against any point of religious faith. Before accepting any doctrine or precept, we should demand a plain ‘Thus saith the Lord’ in its support” (The Great Controversy [Mountain View, Calif.: Pacific Press®, 1911], 595). Today, however, Adventists are closer in theology and practice to the Magisterial Reformers’ view of sola Scriptura than to the Anabaptists’ nuda Scriptura. Adventists now regularly use historical and theological documents from Christian and Adventist authors, including Ellen White’s writings, to guide their interpretation of Scripture or to determine if it is in harmony with earlier Christian or Adventist thought. GOP 228.2
John Calvin, like his predecessors, gave ultimate authority to the Word of God as the only (sola) reliable source of beliefs and doctrines. Likewise, he also rejected the claim that Christians could find the will of God apart from Scripture, in spiritual revelations and visions. Radical Reformers and Anabaptists who claimed access to the Spirit were thus suspect. 18However, by 1544 it seems that Calvin was able to make a distinction among various branches of the Radical Reformation and Anabaptist thought. His most direct argument against the Anabaptists, the Treatise Against the Anabaptists, did not make any reference to visionary experiences or special revelations; Calvin simply commented on the Schleitheim Confession of 1527. See John Calvin, Treatises Against the Anabaptists and Against the Libertines, translation, introduction, and notes by Benjamin Wirt Farley (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1982). For Calvin the comparison was exclusive: one could not believe in Scripture and believe in extra biblical revelations; to believe in visions and revelations was tantamount to rejecting the Word of God. GOP 229.1
In the last edition of his Institutes of the Christian Religion, in the section on how the principles of piety are subverted by fanatics who substitute personal revelations for Scripture, Calvin stated, “Those who, rejecting Scripture, imagine that they have some peculiar way of penetrating to God, are to be deemed not so much under the influence of error as madness.” 19John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, trans. Henry Beveridge, 1559 edition (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), I. ix.1. Furthermore, “any spirit which passes by the wisdom of God’s Word, and suggests any other doctrine, is deservedly suspected of vanity and falsehood.” 20Ibid., I. ix. 2. And furthermore, special revelations and the gifts of the Spirit can in no way supersede the word of God expressed in Scripture. “God did not produce his word before men for the sake of sudden display, intending to abolish it the moment the Spirit should arrive; but he employed the same Spirit, by whose agency he had administered the word, to complete his work by the efficacious confirmation of the word.” 21Ibid., I. ix. 3. GOP 229.2
Yet, it is in his commentaries on Scripture that Calvin is the most explicit when it comes to extra revelations and visions. For him the biblical gift of prophecy is nothing more than a heightened spiritual insight and gift of wisdom. In his commentary on Acts 2:17, 18, which is a reference to Joel 2:28, 29, he stated that “the word prophesy doth signify nothing else save only the rare and excellent gift of understanding [. . . and] under the kingdom of Christ there shall not be a few prophets only, . . . but all men shall be endued with spiritual wisdom, even to the prophetical excellency.” 22John Calvin, Commentary Upon the Acts of the Apostles, trans. Christopher Fetherstone, ed. Henry Beveridge, 2 vols. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1949), 1:87. GOP 229.3
His commentary on 1 Corinthians also provides some insights into his thought. Commenting on 1 Corinthians 12:28 and the apostle Paul’s mention of prophets in the list of spiritual gifts, he stated, “By this term [prophets] he means, (in my opinion) not those who were endowed with the gift of prophesying, but those who were endowed with a peculiar gift, not merely for interpreting Scripture, but also for applying it wisely for present use.” He went on to further clarify his view. “Let us, then, by prophets in this passage understand, first of all, eminent interpreters of Scripture, and further, persons who are endowed with no common wisdom and dexterity in taking a right view of the present necessity of the church, that they may speak suitably to it, and in this way be, in a manner, ambassadors to communicate the divine will.” 23John Calvin, Commentary on the Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians, trans. John Pringle, 2 vols. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1948), 1:415. In this commentary on 1 Corinthians 12:28, and also for 14:3, Calvin equates prophesying with edification, exhortation and consolation, and rejects any link or association with the gift of predicting the future. 24Ibid., 1:415, 436. In a recent study, G. Sujin Pak comes to the same conclusion. Early Reformers understood the gift of prophecy referred to in 1 Corinthians 14 as the interpretation of Scripture. “Zwingli, Luther and Calvin specifically rejected the view of prophecy as visionary specifically contra the Anabaptists; namely, they tied prophecy very closely to scripture and its interpretation in order to reject Anabaptists’ claims to ‘new revelation’ through the Holy Spirit apart from scripture” (G. Sujin Pak, “Three Early Female Protestant Reformers’ Appropriation of Prophecy as Interpretation of Scripture,” Church History 84, no. 1 [March 2015]: 92, 93). GOP 229.4
Although a couple of generations later than the Magisterial and Anabaptist Reformers, the Puritans of England also faced numerous movements and manifestations of visionaries and prophets. Their responses to such spiritual manifestations are basically identical to those of the Reformers and become a standard pattern within Protestantism. Puritans understood Paul’s comments in 1 Corinthians 14 about prophesying as “an activity of biblical exegesis, coupled with personal testimony and exhortation, after the preacher ‘had done his stuff,’ and was open to all.” 25Geoffrey F. Nuttall, The Holy Spirit in Puritan Faith and Experience (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1947), 75, 76. GOP 230.1
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Christians in England experienced “a sizeable brood of bogus Christs and obscure persons claiming to be Enoch, Elijah, or some other ecstatic figure foreshadowed in the Bible.” 26Alexandra Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 203, 204. In denouncing such spurious prophets, Protestants usually argued that the gift of prophecy had passed away when the early church came of age and God had long since dispensed with supernatural revelations. 27Ibid., 205. GOP 230.2