Parallels between the Hebrew prophets and ancient Near Eastern literature are not confined to simple phrases and motifs but may include significant theological themes, such as the day of the Lord, end of evil, resurrection, messianic hope, end of death, and eschatological banquet. This section attempts to explore these themes with attention to similarities and distinctions. GOP 128.3
The idea of a day when God would judge the nations, bring evil to an end, and inaugurate an age of peace and prosperity occurs nearly 200 times in the prophets. 41According to Richard H. Hiers, “Day of the Lord,” in David Noel Freedman, ed., Anchor Bible Dictionary (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 2:82. Amos, the earliest prophet to mention this idea, portrays the day of the Lord as a day of judgment for God’s people (Amos 5:18-20; cf. Ex. 32:34). Some prophets emphasize the day of the Lord as a punishment against the nations (e.g., Isa. 13:6-13; 24:21; Jer. 25:33; Oba. 15, 16), while others look for that day as new exodus (e.g., Joel 2:20) 42See Duane A. Garrett, Hosea, Joel, The New American Commentary, vol. 19A (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1997), 370; Richard D. Patterson, “Wonders in the Heavens and on the Earth: Apocalyptic Imagery in the Old Testament,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 43, no. 3 (2000): 390; William J. Dumbrell, The Faith of Israel: A Theological Survey of the Old Testament, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2002), 123. or a day that God would restore the fortunes of His people and usher an age of happiness and abundant blessings under His own rule (Isa. 2:2-4; 29:18, 19; 11:10; Mic. 4:6, 7). As for the origins of the day of the Lord, scholars have hypothesized such various explanations as theophany, enactment of covenant treaty curses, enthronement festivals, holy war, or different combinations of these. 43J. D. Barker, “Day of the Lord,” in Mark J. Boda and Gordon J. McConville, eds., Dictionary of the Old Testament: Prophets (Downers Grove, Ill.: IVP Academic; InterVarsity Press, 2012), 134-136. In spite of scholarly efforts no consensus has emerged, which makes the question of origins a moot point in this discussion. GOP 128.4
And yet we should turn to some extrabiblical texts where a similar theme appears. A number of Sumerian, Hittite, Egyptian, and Semitic texts from a variety of places and times exhibit the idea that a great king or sovereign could successfully undertake a military campaign or an entire war of conquest in a single day. 44See Douglas Stuart, “The Sovereign’s Day of Conquest,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 221 (1976): 159-164. Such military enterprise would result in territorial expansion but could also involve vengeance against enemy nations. 45See ibid. A few references should suffice to demonstrate how this idea was portrayed in nonbiblical literature. GOP 129.1
In the Autobiography of Idrimi (fifteenth century B.C.), the king of Alalakh claims that in “one day, like one man, Niya, Amae, Mukiš, and Alalaḫ, my city, turned to me. My allies heard and came before me. When they made a treaty with me, I established them as my allies.” 46CS, 1:479. A Hittite text known as “The Deeds of Šuppiluliuma” (fourteenth century B.C.) reads: “He had besieged it for seven days. Then on the eighth day he fought a battle against it for one day and [took (?)] it in a terrific battle on the eighth day, in [one] day.” 47Ibid., 190. In a letter to the pharaoh at Amarna, Rib-Hadd of Byblos requests: “Send the royal archers, and the entire land will be taken in a day.” 48William L. Moran, The Amarna Letters, English-language ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), EA 132. In a stele, Seti I (c. 1318-1301 B.C.) states the following about his battle against a coalition of Asiatic princes: “When the space of a day had passed, they were overthrown to the glory of his majesty, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Men-maat-Re; the Son of Re: Seti Mer-ne-Ptah, given life.” 49James Bennett Pritchard, ed., The Ancient Near East an Anthology of Texts and Pictures, 3rd ed. with supplement (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1969), 253, 254. In the Moabite Stone (c. 830 B.C.), King Mesha boasts: “And Kemosh said to me: ‘Go, take Nebo from Israel!’ And I went in the night, and I fought against it from the break of dawn until noon, and I took it, and I killed [its] whole population.” 50CS, 2:138. The inscription of Kuntillet ʿAjrud 18 refers to the melting of mountains, crushing of peaks, and concludes: “for the blessed one of the Lord on the day of bat[tle] for the name of God on the day of batt[le].” 51F. W. Dobbs-Allsopp, J.J.M. Roberts, C. L. Seow, and R. E. Whitaker, eds., Hebrew Inscriptions: Texts From the Biblical Period With Concordance (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Press, 2005), 234 (KAjr 15 [Plaster], lines 5, 6). GOP 129.2
In spite of similarities, some crucial differences emerge. First, in the prophets the day of the Lord indicates God’s intervention in history, while in the ancient Near East the day is mainly related to the accomplishments of a human king. Second, the prophets focus on the imminence of the day of the Lord, whereas extrabiblical texts tend to emphasize the duration of that day, namely, the king could smash the enemy in a single day. Third, the prophets convey this idea through prophetic oracles announcing a future event, while nonbiblical texts use different genres, that is, mythological texts, or royal propaganda pointing to a past event. Such distinctions, nonetheless, the fact remains that a similar concept was somehow at home in the ancient Near East, in which case it may have served as a backdrop for the proclamation of the prophetic message of the day of the Lord. While ancient Near Eastern kings boasted of achieving victory over the enemy in a single day, the prophets announced that God Himself would intervene in history to defeat evil and establish His everlasting kingdom in the “day of the Lord.” GOP 129.3
Classical prophets portray an idyllic picture of the earth as a restored paradise where evil would reign no more and humans would live in peace with one another and in harmony with nature. A typical case comes from Isaiah: GOP 130.1
The wolf also shall dwell with the lamb, the leopard shall lie down with the young goat, the calf and the young lion and the fatling together; and a little child shall lead them. The cow and the bear shall graze; their young ones shall lie down together; and the lion shall eat straw like the ox. The nursing child shall play by the cobra’s hole, and the weaned child shall put his hand in the viper’s den. They shall not hurt nor destroy in all My holy mountain, for the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord as the waters cover the sea (Isa. 11:6-9; cf. Isa. 2:4; 65:25; Eze. 34:25; Hos. 2:18). GOP 130.2
Interestingly, the Sumerian myth of Enki and Ninhursag describes a situation in which the “lion kills not” and “the wolf snatches not the lamb.” 52Pritchard, 38, lines 15, 16. Another Sumerian text, “Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta,” also expresses a similar idea: GOP 130.3
“One day there will be no snake, no scorpion,
There will be no hyena, nor lion,
There will be neither (wild) dog nor wolf,
And thus there will be neither fear nor trembling,
For man will then have no enemy.
On that day the lands of Subur and Hamazi,
As well as twin-tongued Sumer—great mound of
the power of lordship— Together with Akkad—the mound that has all that is befitting—
And even the land Martu, resting in green pastures,
Yea, the whole world of well-ruled people,
Will be able to speak to Enlil in one language!” 53H.L.J. Vanstiphout and Jerrold S. Cooper, Epics of Sumerian Kings: The Matter of Aratta, Writings From the Ancient World, vol. 20 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003), 65. GOP 130.4
Such similarities indicate that longing for harmony with nature and other human beings, and a consequent life of peace and security, was not restricted to the Israelites, but was a hope also harbored by some non-Israelite poets and sages. Thus, the singularity of this prophetic theme does not lie primarily in the novelty of the idea, but in its articulation within the framework of biblical monotheism and the history of salvation as revealed in the Scriptures. While in the texts of the ancient Near East the notion of a perfect place of peace and security emerges mainly in mythical texts with no clear focus on how and through whom that paradise can be achieved, the prophets situate the end of evil and restoration of all things in the context of God’s overarching plan to restore creation to its original state and purpose. GOP 131.1
The resurrection of the dead constitutes one of the climactic themes of prophetic eschatology. 54See Gerhard F. Hasel, “Resurrection in the Theology of Old Testament Apocalyptic,” Journal Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 92, no. 2 (1980): 267-284. Although not a pervasive theme in the Old Testament, such passages as Isaiah 26:19; Hosea 6:2; Ezekiel 37:1-14; and Daniel 12:2, 13 clearly show that belief in a resurrection was part of the prophetic message. 55For an recent overview of this theme in the Old Testament as whole, see Jon Paulien, “The Resurrection and the Old Testament: A Fresh Look in Light of Recent Research,” Journal of the Adventist Theological Society 24, no. 1 (2013): 3-24. Even if in some cases resurrection indicates national restoration rather than raising an individual from the dead, the fact remains that the prophets affirmed that God had power to raise people from the dead and that therefore death could be overcome. For this reason they could conceive of the resurrection in both national and individual terms. Although some episodes involving resurrection in the former prophets (see 1 Kings 17:17-24; 2 Kings 4:31-37; 13:20, 21) provide a canonical backdrop to the resurrection faith in the prophets, we need to recognize the presence of this concept in nonbiblical texts of the ancient Near East to place the prophetic message against a larger backdrop. 56See Tryggve N. D. Mettinger, The Riddle of Resurrection: “Dying and Rising Gods” in the Ancient Near East, Coniectanea Biblica, vol. 50, ed. Tryggve N. D. Mettinger and Stig I. L. Norin (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 2001). GOP 131.2
As attested in the Ugaritic literature (1400-1200 B.C.), the belief of the dying and rising of the god Baal was known in ancient Canaan. According to the Baal cycle of texts, Baal experienced a seasonal resurrection after being killed by Mot (death). 57Day, “Resurrection Imagery From Baal to the Book of Daniel,” 125-133. A similar concept was attested in Mesopotamia with the dying and rising of Tammuz/Dumuzi. 58See Mettinger, 213. In a text fragment from Ugarit, likely adapted from a Mesopotamian original, an individual says: “My sisters sprinkled me with fine (?) oil from the press. Until the Lord raised my head, and brought me back to life from the dead, until Marduk raised my head and brought me back to life from the dead.” 59CS, 1:486. The Hittites also appear to have embraced the idea that—in addition to the emperor becoming a god upon his death—there could be a personal resurrection for a vassal king, as in expressions such as “you have awakened me to life,” which although figurative seems to have a background in some idea of resurrection. 60Ernst F. Weidner, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien (Boghazköi-Studien, Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1970), 42, 43 (verse 28); 128, 129 (verse 24), as quoted in Niehaus, Kindle, loc. 1727. In Egypt similar ideas occur mainly in connection with the god Osiris. 61See E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Religion of Resurrection (London: Philip Lee Warner, 1911), 1:1-23; M. Heerma van Voss, “Osiris,” in Karel van der Toorn, Bob Becking, and Pieter W. van der Horst, eds., Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden, Brill, 1999), 650. GOP 131.3
So as the prophets announced the resurrection hope, they were not proclaiming an absolutely novel idea, but were reframing and refocusing an old hope within the framework of God’s revelation, according to which the all-powerful God is capable of overcoming death. This was not the case with several deities portrayed in ancient Near Eastern myths. Such deities could never claim omnipotence since they were subject to the impersonal forces of the cosmos. 62Oswalt, 59. In addition, some ancient Near Eastern deities could experience death and rebirth according to the seasonal cycle of vegetation. Furthermore, ancient Near Eastern texts portray the resurrection mostly as a privilege of gods and kings (there is little evidence that common people could experience resurrection). 63Although this may be a result of the fragmentary nature of the evidence as preserved in the epigraphic records. In addition, it may be that common people may have had some hint of this hope, but given the nature of the transmission of ancient cultural processes, they left no records of their beliefs. In contrast, the prophets present the resurrection as a hope for the nation (e.g., Eze. 37) and for individuals as well (e.g., Dan. 12:2). According to the prophetic testimony, resurrection and life beyond the grave is not a privilege to be granted to deities and kings, but a hope offered to all. GOP 132.1
Among messages of doom, the prophets delivered messages of hope about a future king who would bring justice and peace to the land. Based on the Davidic covenant, 64See Martin Tennison Akins, “The Theological Influence of the Davidic Covenant on the Biblical Understanding of the Messiah” (Ph.D. diss., Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1995), 211-221. such prophetic oracles announced the coming of a righteous king who would rule according to God’s will. From several messianic oracles (e.g., Isa. 7:10-16; Mic. 5:1-5; Amos 9:11-15; Jer. 33:14-18; Eze. 37:24-28; Hag. 2:20-23), two may be singled out for the sake of exemplification: “There shall come forth a Rod from the stem of Jesse, and a Branch shall grow out of his roots” (Isa. 11:1); “ ‘Behold, the days are coming,’ says the Lord, ‘that I will raise to David a Branch of righteousness; a King shall reign and prosper, and execute judgment and righteousness in the earth. In His days Judah will be saved, and Israel will dwell safely; now this is His name by which He will be called: THE LORD OUR RIGHTEOUSNESS’ ” (Jer. 23:5, 6). GOP 132.2
Such announcements of hope in the coming of an ideal ruler have some interesting parallels in the nonbiblical literature. Texts from Egypt and Mesopotamia predict kings coming to power who will be successful in bringing peace, justice, and prosperity, though these oracles were usually written after the king sat on the throne as means of legitimating his rule. 65Victor Harold Matthews, Mark W. Chavalas, and John H. Walton, The IVP Bible Background Commentary: Old Testament, electronic ed. (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 2000), on Isaiah 11:1. A few excerpts shall suffice to exemplify the tenor of these messages. The Marduk prophecy66This text refers to events in the twelfth century B.C. Matthew Neujahr, Predicting the Past in the Ancient Near East: Mantic Historiography in Ancient Mesopotamia, Judah, and the Mediterranean World, Brown Judaic Studies 354 (Providence: Brown Judaic Studies, 2012), 26. thus reads: GOP 133.1
19. A king of Babylon will arise; 20. the wondrous temple, 21. Ekursagila, he will renew. 22. The plans of heaven and earth 23. he will draw in Ekursagila; 24. he will double its height. (Tax) exemptions 25. he will establish for my city Babylon. 26. He will lead me to my city Babylon 27. and he will return [me] to eternal Ekursagila. 67Ibid., 31. GOP 133.2
The Ex Eventu Prophecy Text A says: GOP 133.3
2. [A prince will arise] and [will exercise] king[ship] for 18 years. 3. The land will dwell securely; the midst of the land will be well; the people [will experience] prosperity.] 4. The gods will issue good decisions for the land; the winds will be favorable. 5. The yield of the . . . and the yield of the furrow will be abundant. 6. Shakkan and Nisaba will . . . in the land. 68Ibid., 15. GOP 133.4
According to the Uruk prophecy, “16. After him a king, his son, will arise in the midst of Uruk, and he will rule the four quarters (of the world). 17. He will exercise [ruler]ship and kingship in the midst of Uruk; his dynasty will be established forever.” 69Ibid., 53. GOP 133.5
As just noted, expressions of hope in a future king appear both in the Bible and in the non-biblical literature. Often forced to live under oppressive regimes, the biblical prophets and the nonbiblical sages longed for peace and security, which as they understood, could be provided only by an ideal king, capable of restoring the cosmic order. 70See John Baines, “Ancient Egyptian Kingship: Official Forms, Rhetoric, Context,” in King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar, ed. John Day, Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 270 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998), 15-53; W. G. Lambert, “Kingship in Ancient Mesopotamia,” in idem, 54-70. Parallel themes such as this do not indicate literary borrowing, but most likely belong to a shared cluster of ideas whose origins may go back to the beginning of human history. GOP 133.6
The graphic depiction of the end of death in Isaiah and Hosea shows some intriguing parallels with the portrayal of Mot (death) in the Ugaritic Baal cycle. According to Isaiah, the Lord “will destroy on this mountain the surface of the covering cast over all people, and the veil that is spread over all nations. He will swallow up death forever, and the Lord God will wipe away tears from all faces; the rebuke of His people He will take away from all the earth; for the Lord has spoken” (Isa. 25:7, 8). Hosea uses similar language and speaks of the “destruction” of death: “I will ransom them from the power of the grave; I will redeem them from death. O Death, I will be your plagues! O Grave, I will be your destruction! Pity is hidden from My eyes” (Hos. 13:14). GOP 134.1
In the Ugaritic myth, Baal receives a threat from Mot (death), according to which he “will enter his insides, (will go down) his mouth like a roasted olive, (like) the produce of the earth and the fruit of (its) trees. Mighty Ba’lu [i.e., Baal] will fear him, Cloud-Rider will be frightened of him.” 71CS, 1:266. A few lines later, as the story unravels, Baal lies utterly defeated by Mot: “Dead was Mighty Ba’lu [i.e., Baal], perished the Prince, master of the earth.” 72Ibid., 267. GOP 134.2
Both biblical and Ugaritic texts associate the imagery of “devouring/swallowing” with death, which appears to indicate that the prophets were familiar with the idea of death/Mot as a swallower/devourer. We should note, however, a major contrast between the biblical text and its Ugaritic parallel. While in the Ugaritic myth Baal is defeated and “swallowed” by Mot (death), in the Bible the plot is reversed and God emerges as the One who will “swallow up” death forever. 73Jin-Hak Kim, “The City in Isaiah 24-27: A Theological Interpretation in Terms of Judgment and Salvation” (Th.D. diss.,University of Stellenbosch, 2008), 11-112. This appears to indicate that the biblical prophet may have employed some elements of Ugaritic religion as a rhetorical device to draw a sharp contrast between the true God and Baal. GOP 134.3
Another theme that deserves some consideration is the eschatological banquet described in Isaiah. After establishing His rulership on Zion, “in this mountain the Lord of hosts will make for all people a feast of choice pieces, a feast of wines on the lees, of fat things full of marrow, of well-refined wines on the lees” (Isa. 25:6). A meal set on a mountain, along with a reference to elders (Isa 24:23), appears reminiscent of the covenant meal between God and the 70 elders of Israel on Mount Sinai (Ex. 24:9-11). Jeremiah 51:39 and Zephaniah 1:7-9 also portray the Lord hosting a banquet, albeit in a context of judgment against the wicked. GOP 134.4
At this point we should note that in the world of the ancient Near East, sharing a meal was a well-known religious metaphor, especially in the context of divine war. Typically, “when the battle has been won, the gods assemble and celebrate the victory with a great banquet.” 74Dennis E. Smith, “Messianic Banquet,” David Noel Freedman, ed., The Anchor Bible Dictionary (New York: Doubleday,1992), 4:789. A couple of examples may be mentioned to illustrate the point. In the Enuma Elish, the Mesopotamian creation epic, a great banquet follows the triumph and succession to the kingship of Marduk; 75CS, 1:401. and in the Ugaritic literature, El offers a banquet to honor Baal. 76Mark S. Smith, The Ugaritic Baal Cycle (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 595 (CAT 1.4 vi 53-59).. GOP 135.1
Despite similarities that may simply reflect general human situations in which people celebrate major achievements with meals, the prophets use the banquet theme within an obviously distinct framework. That is, although the major contours of the underlying narrative may be similar, the nature and the character of the deity depicted in the prophetic writings are utterly distinct from the feasting gods of the ancient Near East. GOP 135.2