HOW HEROD, BY PERMISSION FROM CAESAR ACCUSED HIS SONS BEFORE AN ASSEMBLY OF JUDGES AT BERYTUS ; AND WHAT TERO SUFFERED FOR USING A BOUNDLESS AND MILITARY LIBERTY OF SPEECH. CONCERNING ALSO THE DEATH OF THE YOUNG MEN AND THEIR BURIAL AT ALEXANDRIUM. FJAJ 16.72
1. SO Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: That
he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had
been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behoove
him to punish them as parricides, for which he gave him power accordingly;
but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have him give them
an admonition, and not proceed to extremity with them
He also advised
him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus,
(14)
What Josephus relates Augustus to have here said, that Berytus was a city
belonging to the Romans, is confirmed by Spanheim's notes here: "It
was," says he, "a colony placed there by Augustus. Whence Ulpian,
De Gens. bel. L. T. XV. The colony of Berytus was rendered famous by the
benefits of Caesar; and thence it is that, among the coins of Augustus,
we meet with some having this inscription: The happy colony of Augustus
at Berytua"
which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the presidents of
Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more as he thought
to be illustrious for their friendship to him, and the dignities they were
in, and determine what should be done by their approbation
These were
the directions that Caesar gave him
Accordingly Herod, when the letter
was brought to him, was immediately very glad of Caesar's reconciliation
to him, and very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over
his sons
And it strangely came about, that whereas before, in his adversity,
though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet had he not been very rash
nor hasty in procuring the destruction of his sons; he now, in his prosperity,
took advantage of this change for the better, and the freedom he now had,
to exercise his hatred against them after an unheard of manner; he therefore
sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archclaus;
for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or
he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs. FJAJ 16.73
2. When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities, were
come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village belonging to Sidon,
called Platana, but near to this city, that if they were called, he might
produce them, for he did not think fit to bring them before the assembly:
and when there were one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod came
by himself alone, and accused his sons, and that in such a way as if it
were not a melancholy accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and
upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way as was very indecent
for a father to accuse his sons, for he was very vehement and disordered
when he came to the demonstration of the crime they were accused of, and
gave the greatest signs of passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the
assessors to consider of the weight of the evidence, but asserted them
to be true by his own authority, after a manner most indecent in a father
against his sons, and read himself what they themselves had written, wherein
there was no confession of any plots or contrivances against him, but only
how they had contrived to fly away, and containing withal certain reproaches
against him, on account of the ill-will he bare them; and when he came
to those reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they
said, as if they had confessed the design against him, and took his oath
that he had rather lose his life than hear such reproachful words
At last
he said that he had sufficient authority, both by nature and by Caesar's
grant to him, [to do what he thought fit]
He also added an allegation
of a law of their country, which enjoined this: That if parents laid their
hands on the head of him that was accused, the standers by were obliged
to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him; which though he were ready
to do in his own country and kingdom, yet did he wait for their determination;
and yet they came thither not so much as judges, to condemn them for such
manifest designs against him, whereby he had almost perished by his sons'
means, but as persons that had an opportunity of showing their detestation
of such practices, and declaring how unworthy a thing it must be in any,
even the most remote, to pass over such treacherous designs [without punishment]. FJAJ 16.74
3. When the king had said this, and the young men had not been produced
to make any defense for themselves, the assessors perceived there was no
room for equity and reconciliation, so they confirmed his authority
And
in the first place, Saturninus, a person that had been consul, and one
of great dignity, pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and
trouble; and said that he condemned Herod's sons, but did not think they
should be put to death
He had sons of his own, and to put one's son to
death is a greater misfortune than any other that could befall him by their
means
After him Saturninus's sons, for he had three sons that followed
him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sentence with their father.
On the contrary, Volumnius's sentence was to inflict death on such as had
been so impiously undutiful to their father; and the greatest part of the
rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion seemed to be, that the
young men were condemned to die
Immediately after this Herod came away
from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage
from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed
at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends
at Rome thought of that matter
His answer was, "That what they had
determined to do to thee was impious, and that thou oughtest to keep them
in prison; and if thou thinkest any thing further necessary, thou mayst
indeed so punish them, that thou mayst not appear to indulge thy anger
more than to govern thyself by judgment; but if thou inclinest to the milder
side, thou mayst absolve them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered
incurable; and this is the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends
at Rome also." Whereupon Herod was silent, and in great thoughtfulness,
and bid Nicolaus sail along with him. FJAJ 16.75
4. Now as they came to Cesarea, every body was there talking of Herod's
sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in great expectation
of what would become of them; for a terrible fear seized upon all men,
lest the ancient disorders of the family should come to a sad conclusion,
and they were in great trouble about their sufferings; nor was it without
danger to say any rash thing about this matter, nor even to hear another
saying it, but men's pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which
rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very silent yet was
there an old soldier of Herod's, whose name was Tero, who had a son of
the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who was so very free as openly
to speak out what others silently thought about that matter; and was forced
to cry out often among the multitude, and said, in the most unguarded manner,
that truth was perished, and justice taken away from men, while lies and
ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before public affairs, that
the offenders were not able to see the greatest mischiefs that can befall
men
And as he was so bold, he seemed not to have kept himself out of danger,
by speaking so freely; but the reasonableness of what he said moved men
to regard him as having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at
a proper time also, for which reason every one heard what he said with
pleasure; and although they first took care of their own safety by keeping
silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the great freedom he took;
for the expectation they were in of so great an affliction, put a force
upon them to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased. FJAJ 16.76
5. This man had thrust himself into the king's presence with the greatest
freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone, which the king
permitted him to do, where he said this: "Since I am not able, O king,
to bear up under so great a concern as I am under, I have preferred the
use of this bold liberty that I now take, which may be for thy advantage,
if thou mind to get any profit by it, before my own safety
Whither is
thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary
sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions?
Whence comes this solitude, and desertion of thy friends and relations?
Of which I cannot but determine that they are neither thy friends nor relations,
while they overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom
Dost
not thou perceive what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young men, born
of thy queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in the highest degree,
and leave thyself destitute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who
hath very ill managed the hopes thou hast given him,' and to relations,
whose death thou hast so often resolved on thyself? Dost not thou take
notice, that the very silence of the multitude at once sees the crime,
and abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration
on the poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in
this matter." These words the king heard, and for some time with good
temper
But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon the bad behavior
and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it; but Tero went
on further, and by degrees used an unbounded military freedom of speech,
nor was he so well disciplined as to accommodate himself to the time
So
Herod was greatly disturbed, and seeming to be rather reproached by this
speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned
thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was about, and the
officers had indignation at it, he gave order that all whom Tero had named,
and Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison. FJAJ 16.77
6. When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king's barber, took the
opportunity, and came and told the king, that Tero would often have persuaded
him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to cut his throat, for that by this
means he should be among the chief of Alexander's friends, and receive
great rewards from him
When he had said this, the king gave order that
Tero, and his son, and the barber should be tortured, which was done accordingly;
but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing his father already in a
sad case, and had no hope of deliverance, and perceiving what would be
the consequence of his terrible sufferings, said, that if the king would
free him and his father from these torments for what he should say, he
would tell the truth
And when the king had given his word to do so, he
said that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent hands
on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and
that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as
was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favor of Alexander.
This was what Tero's son said, and thereby freed his father from the distress
he was in; but uncertain it is whether he had been thus forced to speak
what was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his, in order to procure
his own and his father's deliverance from their miseries. FJAJ 16.78
7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter of his
sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul for it; but he
had banished away whatsoever might afford him the least suggestion of reasoning
better about this matter, so he already made haste to bring his purpose
to a conclusion
He also brought out three hundred of the officers that
were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son, and the barber that
accused them before an assembly, and brought an accusation against them
all; whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and thereby
slew them
Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their
father's command, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were in the
night time carried to Alexandraum, where their uncle by the mother's side,
and the greatest part of their ancestors, had been deposited. FJAJ 16.79
8. (15)
The reader is here to note, that this eighth section is entirely wanting
in the old Latin version, as Spanheim truly observes; nor is there any
other reason for it, I suppose, than the great difficulty of an exact translation.
And now perhaps it may not seem unreasonable to some, that such an inveterate
hatred might increase so much [on both sides], as to proceed further, and
overcome nature; but it may justly deserve consideration, whether it be
to be laid to the charge of the young men, that they gave such an occasion
to their father's anger, and led him to do what he did, and by going on
long in the same way put things past remedy, and brought him to use them
so unmercifully; or whether it be to be laid to the father's charge, that
he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in the desire of government,
and of other things that would tend to his glory, that tae would take no
one into a partnership with him, that so whatsoever he would have done
himself might continue immovable; or, indeed, whether fortune have not
greater power than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that
human actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable necessity,
and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which is not done by her;
wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that
other, which attribute somewhat to ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable
for the different conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than
the philosophical determination of our ancient law
Accordingly, of the
two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on the young
men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride of their royal birth, that
they should bear to hear the calumnies that were raised against their father,
while certainly they were not equitable judges of the actions of his life,
but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on
both accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and revealed them
to gain favor; yet cannot their father be thought worthy excuse, as to
that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them, while he ventured,
without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs against him,
and without any proofs that they had made preparations for such attempt,
to kill his own sons, who were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings
of other men, and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in
hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional topics
of discourse; for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander,
who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he
had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live
at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded
by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would
prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; but
for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify a passion that
governed him, was a demonstration of insufferable impiety
He also was
guilty of so great a crime in his older age; nor will the delays that he
made, and the length of time in which the thing was done, plead at all
for his excuse; for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion
of mind, and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime,
yet is it a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon deliberation,
and after frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings-off, to undertake
it at last, and accomplish it, was the action of a murderous mind, and
such as was not easily moved from that which is evil
And this temper he
showed in what he did afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed
to be the best beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the
justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the less pitied,
yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that he did not abstain
from their slaughter also
But of those persons we shall have occasion
to discourse more hereafter. FJAJ 16.80