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The Empires of the Bible from the Confusion of Tongues to the Babylonian Captivity

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    OF the chronology of all these ancient nations, that of early Egypt is the most uncertain. With respect to the chronology of the earlier times of both Babylon and Assyria, there is indeed a considerable element of uncertainty; yet there it is possible to know, in most instances, that we are somewhere near the correct time, especially in the case of Assyria. But with early Egypt the uncertainty is absolute.EB 77.1

    2. More testimony from Egyptian monuments has been found and read than from any other nation; but “the difficulty of this subject had increased with the new information of the monuments. The statements of ancient writers were easily reconciled with half knowledge; but better information shows discrepancies which are in most instances beyond all present hope of solution. It may be said that we know something of the outlines of the technical part of Egyptian chronology; but its historical part is in a great measure mere conjecture, before the times when we can check the Egyptian list by their synchronisms with Hebrew and Assyrian history.” 1[Page 77] Encyclopedia Britannica, art. Egypt.EB 77.2

    3. “The greatest of all the obstacles in the way of establishing a regular Egyptian chronology, is the fact that the Egyptians themselves never had any chronology at all. The use of a fixed era was unknown, and it has not yet been proved that they had any other reckoning than the years of the reigning monarch. Now these years themselves had no fixed starting point; for sometimes they began from the commencement of the year in which the preceding king died, and sometimes from the day of the coronation of the king.”—Lenormant. 2[Page 78] “Manual of the Ancient History of the East,” book iii, chap 1, sec. ii, par. 6 “A monarch might occupy the throne ten years in conjunction with his father, thirty-two years alone, and three years in conjunction with his son; in an Egyptian royal list he will be credited with forty-five years, although his first ten years will be assigned also to his father, and his last three years to his son. Contemporary dynasties, if accepted as legitimate, will appear in an Egyptian list as consecutive; while dynasties not so accepted, however long they may have reigned, will disappear altogether.”—Rawlinson. 3[Page 78] “History of Ancient Egypt.” chap 12, par 2.EB 77.3

    4. No less than ten distinct schemes of Egyptian chronology have been attempted by the Egyptologists of the present age. And these “modern critics of the best judgment and the widest knowledge, basing their conclusions on identically the same data, have published to the world views upon the subject which are not only divergent and conflicting, but which differ, in the estimates that are the most extreme, to the extent of above three thousand years! Bockh gives for the year of the accession of Menes (M’na), the supposed first Egyptian king, the year B. C. 5702; Unger, the year B. C. 5613; Mariette-Bey and Lenormant, B. C. 5004; Brugsch-Bey, B. C. 4455; Lauth, B. C. 4157; Lepsius, B. C. 3852; Bunsen, 3623 or 3059; Mr. Reginald Stuart Poole, B. C. 2717; and Sir Gardiner Wilkinson, B. C. 2691. It is as if the best authorities on Roman history were to tell us, some of them that the Republic was founded in B. C. 508, and others in B. C. 3508. Such extraordinary divergency argues something unique in the conditions of the problem to be solved; and it is the more remarkable, since the materials for the history are abundant, and include sources of the most impeachable character.... Until some fresh light shall be thrown upon this point by the progress of discovery, the uncertainty attaching to the Egyptian chronology must continue, and for the early period must be an uncertainty, not of centuries, but of millennia.” 4[Page 78] Id., par. 1, 8.EB 78.1

    5. The sum of the matter seems certainly to be, and “it can never be too often repeated,” that “the Egyptians themselves had no chronology. It never occurred to them to consider, or to ask, how long a dynasty had occupied the throne.” They “had no era; they drew out no chronological schemes. They cared for nothing but to know how long each incarnate god, human or bovine, had condescended to tarry upon the earth. They recorded carefully the length of the life of each Apis bull, and the length of the reign of each king; but they neglected to take note of the intervals between one Apis bull and another, and omitted to distinguish the sole reign of a monarch from his joint reign with others.” 5[Page 79] Id., par. 8, 2. With respect therefore to calculations based upon ancient Egyptian chronology, the conclusion seems to be that, “however precise these calculations may appear to be, modern science must always fail in its attempts to restore what the Egyptians never possessed.”—Lenormant. 6[Page 79] “Manual,” etc., Id.,EB 79.1

    6. The Egyptians themselves held that the gods were their first rulers; and after these the demigods. 7[Page 79] Rawlinson’s “Herodotus,” chap 8, par. 1, of Appendix to book ii, This made it perfectly easy for them to give to themselves as many “dynasties,” and as many thousands of years to each dynasty, as they might choose to imagine. 8[Page 79] Id., book 2, chaps, 2, 63, 162, with the notes. And the modern scientists, holding as tenaciously to the theory of evolution as the Egyptians did to their gods, can by the evolutionary hypothesis just as easily support all that the Egyptians proposed by their theory of the gods. The evolutionist holds that man is a product of development from protoplasm through the ape and “the missing link.” He sees that in early Egypt, civilization and art had attained to a high degree of development. He finds no evidence that there were any people in Egypt before the Egyptians, who have always been there. He knows, as everybody must know, that it would take no little length of time for a protoplasmic chit to evolve itself unto the kind of man that could build the Pyramids, set up the Sphinx, and construct the wonderful Hall of Columns.EB 79.2

    7. Therefore, putting all these things together, he “knows” well enough that Egyptian history “must” cover “innumerable ages.” 9[Page 80] One writer has stated the case thus:“There is no evidence to show that Egyptian civilization was introduced from abroad; on the contrary, everything seems to point to its having been of indigenous growth. And the high perfection it had reached before the date of the earliest monuments with which we are acquainted, implies unnumbered ages of previous development.” Another mentions a certain Egyptian “tomb, which is of an antiquity so great as to surpass imagination.” But to the person who is acquainted with creation and revelation, to the person who knows the power and faithfulness of the word of God, there is no such fallacious necessity. Such ones know that mankind has generated from perfection to the condition in which he was in ancient Egypt, and in Greece and Rome when Christ came into the world. And knowing this, it is perfectly easy to understand the condition of ancient Egypt, or any other ancient nation, without resorting to myths and fables.EB 80.1

    8. It may properly be inquired, also, If development instead of degeneracy be the universal law, why is it that Egypt and every other ancient nation has degenerated? If development instead of degeneracy is the law, why is it that the ancient Egyptians were adepts in arts and appliances which are utterly beyond the ken, and only excite the wonder, of even the nineteenth century development? Why also is it that in philosophy, art, and law the people of this nineteenth century are obliged to be mere copyists of the ancient Greeks and Romans? It is true that the nineteenth century after Christ knows many things that the nineteenth century before Christ did not know. So also the nineteenth century before Christ knew much that the nineteenth century after Christ does not know. But if development be the universal and prevailing law, why were not all these ancient things retained and improved upon by mankind through all the centuries following?EB 80.2

    9. There is one point, however, upon which the ancient Egyptian theory of the rule of the gods has the advantage of the modern theory of evolution—it has at least the reflection of a truth. It clearly points to a time when the Egyptians knew God and served Him only, and had no king or ruler other than God. Then when a king did set himself, or was set, as ruler over them, he put himself in the place of God, and claimed to be, not merely the representative of God, but the very impersonation of God. He claimed identity with God, and was addressed as a god. Such was the theory of the Egyptian kingship. And it plainly shows a departure from the original condition when they had no ruler but God.EB 80.3

    10. The same principle is illustrated in the title, “Viceroy of Asshur,” borne by the Assyrian kings, who, however, with the exception of two or three individuals, never claimed to be more than viceroy of their god. Such, indeed, is the course of all idolatry, and the origin of kingship in the world. It was followed even by the people whom God had brought out of Egypt. For the arch-deceiver seduced men into idolatry, and from idolatry into monarchy, in order that he might gain supremacy over them and exact obedience to himself, and prohibit by force the service of God. For the service of the gods was always the service of devils. Egypt was the first of the kingdoms of the world that Satan used to put this wicked principle systematically into practise. And thus it is that in the Scriptures, “Egypt” stands forever as a symbol of all that is opposed to God.EB 81.1

    11. The whole of the history of Egypt during the first centuries is confined to her own proper limits in the valley of the Nile. There were invasions from Ethiopia which she was obliged to repel. These were followed by invasions of Ethiopia which ended in the complete conquest of that country by the forces of Egypt. There were also occasional conflicts on the other borders—the Sinaitic peninsula, in defense of her copper mines there, and Arabia Petrea and southern Palestine on the northeast.EB 81.2

    12. There was an invasion of Egypt also, and a total subjugation of the country for hundreds of years, by a vast horde from the countries of the northeast, led by the Hittites. These invaders were called by the Egyptians “Hyksos,” which means Shepherds. “They devastated Egypt from the Mediterranean to Thebes, and perhaps to Elephantine.”—Rawlinson. 10[Page 81] “Ancient Egypt,” chap 19, par. 9. They wrought such ruin of every kind everywhere, massacring the men, enslaving the women and children, burning the cities, and razing the temples, that they made forever the very idea of a shepherd “an abomination unto the Egyptians.” 11[Page 82] Genesis 46:34. Their capital was Tanis, the Zoan of the Bible. 12[Page 82] Ezekiel 30:14, margin.EB 81.3

    13. Aames was the king under whose leadership the yoke of the Shepherds was broken, and by whom Egypt was delivered from their dreadful rule. The history of Egypt during the time of the rule of the Shepherds is practically a blank; because when they were expelled, the Egyptians swept away, so far as possible, every memorial of them. The devastation that the Shepherds themselves wrought at their entrance into Egypt, was more than repeated by the Egyptians when they had expelled the Shepherds. “The only certain fact we can mention is, that no one monument remains to teach us what became of the ancient splendor of Egypt under the Hyksos.... And this silence even, tells the calamities Egypt underwent.”—Lenormant. 13[Page 82] “Manual of the Ancient History of the East,” book iii chap 2, sec iii, par 2.EB 82.1

    14. The time of the reigns of Aames and Amen-hotep, or Amenophis I, the son and immediate successor of Aames, about forty years, 1820-1780 B. C., 14[Page 82] The dates here inserted are obtained by counting backward from the Exodus of Israel, 1491 B. C. and accepting the view that Rameses II was the Pharaoh of the Oppression. It is not pretended, however, that the dates are exact to the very year; they are “about” the time stated. was fully occupied in bringing the restored kingdom to a condition of governmental order, and extending the power of Egypt over Ethiopia.EB 82.2

    15. Thothmes I, the third king after the expulsion of the Shepherds, was the one in whom Egypt began to indulge the ambition for empire. His time was about 1780-1745.EB 82.3

    16. “At this period of their history, the Egyptians for the first time carried their arms deep into Asia, overrunning Syria, and even invading Mesopotamia, or the tract between the Tigris and the Euphrates. Hitherto the farthest point reached in this direction had been Sharuhen in Southern Palestine, a city assigned [afterward] to the tribe of Simeon by Joshua. Invaders from the lower Mesopotamian region had from time to time made their appearance in the broad Syrian valleys and plains; had drunk the waters of the Orontes and the Jordan; ravaged the open country; and even, perhaps, destroyed the towns. But Syria was hitherto almost an undiscovered region to the powerful people which, nurturing its strength in the Nile valley, had remained content with its own natural limits, and scarcely grasped at any conquests.EB 82.4

    17. “A time was now come when this comparative quietude and absence of ambition were about to cease. Provoked by the attack made upon her from the side of Asia, and smarting from the wounds inflicted upon her pride and her prosperity by the Hyksos during the period of their rule, Egypt now set herself to retaliate, and for three centuries continued at intervals to pour her armies into the eastern continent, and to carry fire and sword over the extensive and populous regions which lay between the Mediterranean and the Zagros mountain range. There is some uncertainty as to the extent of her conquests; but no reasonable doubt can be entertained that for a space of three hundred years Egypt was the most powerful and the most aggressive state that the world contained, and held a dominion that has as much right to be called an ‘Empire’ as the Assyrian, the Babylonian, or the Persian. While Babylonia, ruled by Arab conquerors, declined in strength, and Assyria proper was merely struggling into independence, Egypt put forth her arms, and grasped the fairest regions of the earth’s surface. Thus commenced that struggle for predominance between northeastern Africa and southwestern Asia, which lasted for above a thousand years, and was scarcely terminated until Rome appeared upon the scene and reduced both the rivals under her world-wide sway.”—Rawlinson. 15[Page 83] “Ancient Egypt,” chap 20, par. 6. This greatness of the Egyptian Empire seems to have been understood among the Greeks, and is undoubtedly referred to by Homer where he speaks of Thebes, the Egyptian capital, as—
    The World’s great empress on the Egyptian plain;
    That spreads her conquests o’er thousand states,
    And pours her heroes through a hundred gates.
    Two hundred horsemen, and two hundred cars,
    From each wide portal issuing to the wars.”
    —“Iliad,” book ix, lines 500-505. Pope’s translation.
    EB 83.1

    18. As before stated, this work was begun by Thothmes I. But before attempting to follow his expeditions in Asia, it will be well to know the names and positions of the countries and their peoples, which, according to the Egyptian records, were found there. “We shall then be able to judge what were the facilities and what the obstacles found by the Pharaohs in the way of their enterprises.EB 83.2

    19. “Immediately on the northeast frontier of Egypt, the desert between it and Syria was occupied by Bedouin tribes, whom the hieroglyphic inscriptions always call Shasu. The most important of these, and the nearest to Egypt, were the Amalekites of the Bible, the Amalika of the Arabian historians, though this name applied equally to the Edomites, or Idumeans, and Midianites who are sometimes mentioned among the Shasu, and even generally to all the nomadic tribes of the desert.EB 84.1

    20. “Palestine was entirely in the hands of the Canaanites, who, after the defeat of the Shepherds, were unable to form a powerful monarchy; but were in the divided state in which Joshua found them when, a little later, he conducted the Hebrews into that country. They formed an almost infinite number of petty principalities; every city had its own king, often in rivalry with, or hostile to, his neighbors. This state of division and local isolation made Palestine an easy prey to every conqueror, for it hardly permitted them to unite against a common enemy. But at the same time it rendered a complete and perfect conquest of the country difficult, for it was necessarily favorable to partial insurrections, incessantly liable to break out.EB 84.2

    21. “The Syrian populations, who, to the north of the Canaanites, occupied the provinces called in the Bible by the general name of Aram, as far as the River Euphrates, belonged to the confederation of the Rotennu, or Retennu, extending beyond the river and embracing all Mesopotamia (Naharaina). What we have already said of the Cushites may be applied to this confederation. The Rotennu had no well-defined territory, nor even a decided unity of race. They already possessed powerful cities, such as Nineveh and Babylon; but there were still many nomadic tribes within the ill-defined limits of the confederacy. Their name was taken from the city of Resen, apparently the most ancient, and originally the most important city of Assyria. The germ of the Rotennu confederation was formed by the Semitic Assyro-Chaldean people, who were not yet welded into a compact monarchy, but were an aggregation of petty states, each having its own sovereign, and united by ties of a nature unknown to us. The first great Chaldean empire ... was in fact at this moment so crippled in power that the last descendants of its early kings, reduced to the possession of Babylon, and perhaps even to Erech, the first seat of their power, were nothing more than mere members of the Rotennu confederacy. With the Assyro-Chaldeans, who were at its head, were joined in this confederation the Arameans on both sides of the Euphrates, whom history shows to have been always friendly to, and in strict alliance with, Assyria.EB 84.3

    22. “The mountains to the north of Mesopotamia were inhabited by the Remenen, or Armenians, of the Japhetic race.EB 85.1

    23. “Finally, west of the Rotennu, in the valley of the Orontes and the vast space contained between the left bank of the Euphrates, the Taurus, and the sea, that Canaanitish tribe, apparently always the strongest and most powerful, the Khitas, or Hittites (a small branch of whom remained in Palestine near Hebron), had founded a warlike and formidable empire, a strongly centralized monarchy.... But the power of the Hittite kingdom does not seem to have been sufficiently great to be dreaded by the Egyptians, and it is not until the time of the following dynasty that we see them playing a considerable part in the affairs of Western Asia.”—Lenormant. 16[Page 85] “Manual of the Ancient History of the East,” etc., book iii, chap 3. sec, i, par. 2-4.EB 85.2

    24. The first of the military expeditions of Thothmes I was conducted to the southward into Ethiopia and Nubia. Several battles were fought, in one of which, his captain-general says, “his majesty became more furious than a panther,” and with an arrow himself succeeded in wounding the chief of his enemies so that he was made a prisoner. He declares that “the An of Nubia were hewed in pieces, and scattered all over their lands” till “their stench filled the valleys.” “At last a general submission was made, and a large tract of territory was ceded. The Egyptian frontier was pushed on from Samneh (lat. 21 o 50) to Tombos (lat. 19 o); and a memorial was set up at the latter place to mark the existing extent of the empire southward. A new officer was appointed to govern the newly annexed country, who was called ‘the ruler of Kush,’ and appears to have resided at Samneh.”—Rawlinson. 17[Page 85] “Ancient Egypt,” chap 20, par. 7.EB 85.3

    25. When he had firmly fixed his power in the south, Thothmes I marched into Asia. Palestine was overrun, and the Canaanites were brought into submission. He then invaded Aram, as he says, “for the purpose of taking satisfaction upon the countries.” In the neighborhood of Damascus he met and defeated a large force of the Rotennu. Having subdued the Rotennu of Aram, he next crossed the Euphrates at Carchemish, and through “a long series of battles” conquered the Rotennu of Aram-Naharaim. “A single captain boasts that in the course of the expedition he ‘took twenty-one hands,’ or, in other words, killed twenty-one men, besides capturing a horse and a chariot. If one man could do so much, what must have been the amount of injury inflicted by the entire host? Egyptian armies, according to Manetho, were counted by hundreds of thousands; and even if for ‘hundreds’ we substitute ‘tens,’ the result must have been a carnage and a desolation sufficiently distressing..”—Rawlinson. 18[Page 85] Id., par. 8. He returned to Egypt with great booty and many captives, and set up a tablet on which he recorded his exploits.EB 86.1

    26. Thothmes II was the son and successor of Thothmes I. His reign was “very short.” He made one expedition against the Arabs in the northern parts of the Sinaitic peninsula, and spent the rest of his short reign with his sister Hatasu in building temples to their gods.EB 86.2

    27. Hatasu is supposed to have been the cause of the “very short” reign of Thothmes II; because during the minority of her younger brother, then about five years old, she made herself the ruler of Egypt, not as regent but in fact: occupying the throne herself and allowing the brother a seat upon her footstool. She also erased the name of Thothmes II from his monuments, and put her own name or her father’s name in its place. She wore man’s clothing, and adopted the title of “king.” “She is constantly represented upon the monuments, in male attire, often crowned with the tall plumes of Ammon; she calls herself ‘the son of the Sun,’ ‘the good god,’ ‘the lord of the two lands,’ ‘beloved of Ammon-Ra, the god of kings,’ and ‘His majesty herself.’”—Rawlinson. 19[Page 87] Id., par 11.EB 86.3

    28. As a builder she did indeed succeed in attaining a distinction equal to that of the kings themselves. She set up at Karnak two obelisks, each one hundred feet tall and weighing three hundred and sixty-eight tons, which, she says, was accomplished in seven months from the time the stone was cut in the quarries of Syene.EB 87.1

    29. By a friendly expedition down the Red Sea to “the land of Punt,” Yemen, or Arabia Felix, she secured the recognition of the suzerainty of Egypt over that “country fertile and rich in itself, and which, being the depot of Indian commerce, was the object of the desires of the Egyptian monarchy, as the possession of it was necessarily an almost inexhaustible source of wealth.”—Lenormant. 20[Page 87] “Manual of the Ancient History of the East,” book iii, chap 3, sec, ii par. 1. Among the articles of commerce obtained in this one expedition, she names incense, gold, silver, ivory, ebony, cassia, kohl, or stibium, apes, baboons, dogs, slaves, and leopard-skins. She declared, “Never had a convoy been made like this one by any king since the creation of the world,” and that nothing similar to this expedition had been “done in the times of a former king in this country eternally.” 21[Page 87] “Records of the Past,” Old Series, Vol. x. pp. 13,14. When Hatasu died, after a reign of about twenty-two years, she was succeeded by her younger brother whom she had kept in a subordinate position all the time.EB 87.2

    30. Thothmes III, was the title which this king bore. He showed his resentment of the conduct of Hatasu by attempting a systematic erasure of her name from her monumental records. His purpose was not fully accomplished, because the persons employed to do it failed to cut deep enough; and so her history has been made out “without much difficulty.” He did however completely exclude her name from the list of sovereigns, by dating his own reign alone from the death of his brother. This gives him a reign of fifty-four years, about 1742-1688 B. C.EB 87.3

    31. The young king was certainly a man of very strong individuality; for in spite of the constant curbing and humiliation that was put upon him by the masculine Hatasu through all the years of his early life, he became one of the greatest of Egyptian kings, and “beyond a doubt the greatest of Egyptian conquerors.” “No later monarch ever exceeded his glories; Thothmes III, is the nearest approach to the ideal Sesostris, the only Pharaoh who really penetrated with a hostile force deep into the heart of Assyria, and forced the great states of Western Asia to pay him tribute, if not even to acknowledge his suzerainty.”—Rawlinson. 22[Page 88] “Ancient Egypt,” chap 20, par. 16.EB 87.4

    32. Before the first year of his sole reign had ended, in the month of Pharmuthi, he began his military career by the invasion of Palestine, with the intent, as he himself says, of “extending the frontiers of Egypt by his victories.” 23[Page 88] All the quotations and statements in this account, except those otherwise credited, are taken from the inscriptions of Thothmes III as found in “Records of the Past,” Old Series, Vol. ii, pp. 19-58, and Vol. vi, pp. 7-10. He says that the people from Sharon to Jericho “were coming to rebel against His Majesty.” On the fifth day of the month Pashons he entered Gaza in triumph. After eleven days he “took his way on the sixteenth of Pashons to the fortress of Jamnia.” As he proceeded from there he “discoursed with his brave troops, telling them that the vile enemies” he was sure, would be found concentrated at Megiddo. In this he was correct, for, “even at the moment,” this they had done.EB 88.1

    33. By scouts he learned that “the chiefs of the countries from the waters [river] of Egypt to the places of Naharaina [Mesopotamia]” with the Hittites, had concentrated in the plain of Esdraelon “at the fortress which is in Maketa [Megiddo].” They were also guarding the main roads through Ajalon to Taanach. The officers of the army of Thothmes advised that he march his army up the coast, and by a circuitous route enter the plain of Esdraelon from the north. Upon the chance that those who were guarding the passes would not fight, he decided to take the direct road through Ajalon to Taanach, and enter the plain of Esdraelon “in the face” of the allied hosts.EB 88.2

    34. His calculations were correct. For without difficulty he reached the lake of Keneh, a little south of Megiddo, about noon on the twenty-first of Pashons. There “His Majesty pitched his tent to make a speech before his whole army, saying, ‘Hasten ye, put on your helmets, for I shall fly to fight with the vile enemy on the morning.’ Therefore was a rest at the doors of the King’s tent made by the baggage of the Chiefs, things of the followers, and supplies. Was passed the watchword of the army, who say, ‘Firm, firm, watch, watch, watch actively, at the King’s pavilion.’ The land of Meru, and those born of the South and North [Upper and Lower Egypt] have come to address His Majesty.EB 88.3

    35. “Moreover on the twenty-second day of the month Pashons, the day of the festival of the new moon and laying the royal crown, on the morning then in presence of the entire army, was passed the watchword; His Majesty proceeding in his chariot of gold, distinguished by the decorations of work, like the terrible Horus the Lord who makes things, like Mentu, Lord of Uas. The southern horn [right wing] of the army of His Majesty was at the shore of the lake of Kaina [Keneh], the northern horn extending to the northwest of Maketa [Megiddo], His Majesty being in the midst of them, the god Amen being the protection in his active limbs, he wounding them with his arms.EB 89.1

    36. “His Majesty prevailed over them before his army. They saw His Majesty prevailing over them, they fell prostrate on the plains of Maketa on their faces through terror; they left their horses, their chariots of gold and silver which drew them, and were dragged by the entanglement of their clothes to that fortress. The men shut up in that fortress took off their clothes to haul them up to that fortress. The troops of His Majesty took no heed of capturing the things of the fallen. The army reached Maketa at the moment when the vile enemy of Kateshu and the vile enemy of the fortress were striving to let them enter the fortress. His Majesty frightened them; he prevailed by his diadem over them. Their horses and their chariots of gold and of silver were captured, were brought to His Majesty. Their dead lay in ranks like fishes on the ground. The victorious army of His Majesty turned back to count the things captured.EB 89.2

    37. “Then the camp was captured, his whole army in joy giving thanks, giving glory to Amen for what he had given to his son. The troops of His Majesty praising his power. They were bringing the spoil they took of hands, living captives, horses, chariots of silver and gold.... Living captives 340, hands 83, mares 2041, fillies 191, stallions 6, chariots plated with gold, an ark of gold of the enemy, an excellent chariot plated with gold of the Chief, 892 chariots of his vile army, total 924; 1 excellent suit of bronze armor of the enemy, a bronze suit of armor of the Chief of Maketa, 200 suits of armor of his vile army, 502 bows his delight, 7 poles of the pavilion of the enemy plated with silver.”EB 89.3

    38. This defeat of such a great force and the capture of Megiddo he counted equal to the capture of a thousand other fortresses; for the result was that “every Chief of the countries and rebellious places came into it” making their submission. “Then the Chiefs of that land came, bringing the usual tribute, adoring the spirits of His Majesty, asking breath for their nostrils of the greatness of his power and the importance of his spirits, having their tribute of silver, gold, lapis-lazuli, turquoise, and alabaster, vessels of wine, flocks. The army of His Majesty made the prisoners bear the tribute in the galley.” That is, the spoil was brought down to the sea and placed in the galleys of the Egyptian fleet to be transported to Egypt and the capital of the king.EB 90.1

    39. “Then the army took ... bulls 1949, she-goats 2000, white goats 20,500. The total amount of things led behind by His Majesty from the things of the place of the enemy who was in the land of the Ruten, from the fortress of Nunaa, from the fortress of Anaukassa, from Hurankar, with the things which belonged to the fortresses, placed in the waters [i. e., in the ships in the waters] 38 of their family, 87 sons of Chiefs of the enemy, and of the leaders with him 5, others—slaves, male and female including children—1796, prisoners who surrendered, starved out of the enemy 103; total 2503: besides gems, gold dishes, and various vases, a great cup, the work of the Kharu [Syrians], dishes, various vases, for drinking, having great stands; 97 swords weighing 1784 pounds, gold in rings found in the hands of the workmen, and silver in many rings, 966 pounds, 1 ounce; a silver statue, the head of gold, seats of men, of ivory, ebony, and cedar, inlaid with gold, chairs of the enemy 6, footstools belonging to them 6 6, large tables of ivory and cedar inlaid with gold and all precious stones, a stick in the shape of a scepter of that Chief inlaid with gold throughout; statues of the fallen Chief, of ebony inlaid with gold, of which the heads are of gold, vessels of bronze, ad an infinite quantity of the clothes of the enemy. When the fields of the district were taken to calculate their produce to the King’s house, to lay down their quota, the total of the quantity brought to His Majesty from the plains of Maketa was 208,000 bushels of corn, besides what was cut and taken away.”EB 90.2

    40. Such was the result of the first campaign of Thothmes III; and in the course of the next seventeen years it was followed by thirteen others. For “in the thirty-ninth year His Majesty was in the land of the Rotennu in his fourteenth campaign.” None of these will be followed in detail as it would be largely repetition. In his second campaign he crossed the Euphrates at Carchemish. Seeing the importance of that point as the key of the East, he built there a strong fortress, the ruins of which are still to be seen. The princes of the East sent their tribute without attempting battle. Among the chiefs whom he names as bringing tribute, are “the king of Nineveh and the king of Assur.” He left a list of more than three hundred names of cities, towns, and districts that he conquered. More than one hundred of these were in Palestine; and more than twenty of these are places mentioned in Genesis, Joshua, and Judges; such as, Dothan, Genesis 34:17; Kartah, Joshua 21:34; the land of Tob, Judges 11:5, AshterothKarnaim, Genesis 14:5; Laish, Judges 18:7; Hazor, Joshua 11:1; Judges 4:2 Chinnereth, Joshua 19:35; Adamah, Joshua 19:36; Kishion, Joshua 19:20; Misheal, Joshua 19:26; Achshaph, Joshua 19:25; Taanach, Judges 5:19; Ibleam, Joshua 17:11; Accho, Judges 1:31; Beth-shemesh, Joshua 19:22; Anaharath, Joshua 19:19 Haphraim, Joshua 10:19; Nokeb, Joshua 19:33; Socoh, Joshua 15:35; Migdal-gad, Joshua 15:37; Jerusalem, by the term “Har-al” corresponding to “Ariel,” and signifying “the mount of the Lord,” Genesis 22:14; Rabbah, Joshua 15:60; vale of Hebron, Genesis 37:14; Helkath, Joshua 21:31. 24[Page 91] “Records of the Past,” New Series Vol v. pp.29-53.EB 91.1

    41. When his conquests were completed, his dominion embraced Ethiopia, Nubia, Libya, Cyprus, and “the Isles in the midst of the great sea,” “the circuit of the great sea,” Arabia, Moab, Ammon, Palestine, Phenicia, Syria, Asia Minor, the Land of the Hittites, Armenia, Mesopotamia, Assyria, Erech (Babylonia), a strange people of Asia, and a country called “the land of Nii” where “he hunted 120 elephants on account of their tusks,” and which therefore must have been well toward India, for there were no elephants in Assyria or Babylonia, nor in the parts of Africa with which he had to do.EB 91.2

    42. All these nations brought tribute to Thothmes III; the sons and brothers of the chiefs were kept at the court of the king of Egypt, and when any of the chiefs died, his successor was “set free to occupy the place.” Under Thothmes III “Egypt attained to the summit of her power. In internal affairs, a wise foresight in administration ensured everywhere order and progress. Abroad, Egypt became by her victories the arbitress of the whole civilized world.”—Lenormant.” 25[Page 92] “Manual of the Ancient History of the East,” book iii, chap 3, sec. ii, par 2. Thus it was not altogether exaggeration when he put into the mouth of his god the statement: “There is not any rebel to thee in the circle of heaven, they come bearing their tribute on their backs beseeching Thy Majesty.”EB 92.1

    43. One of his principal generals closes the record of his career thus:—EB 92.2

    “So the king ended the time of his existence of many good years of victory and power, and was made justified; commencing at the first year and ending at the fifty-fourth year, in the month Phamenoth, of the reign of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Ra-men-kheper. Justified, he ascended to heaven, and joined the Sun’s disc, a divine follower, urgent in doing, it shone to him as the morning, he was the disc of the Sun coming out of the heaven.”EB 92.3

    44. Thothmes III, also, was a great builder. He also set up wonderful obelisks. Two of these he says were 108 cubits (162 feet) in height. Two others, one of which stands in Rome, in front of the church of St. John Lateran, were 105 feet in height. On this one in Rome, among much other like matter, is a line running: “The son of the Sun, Thothmes III, giver of life like the Sun forever.” 26[Page 92] “Records of the Past,” Old Series Vol iv. p. 12. The obelisk that stands in Central Park, New York City, was originally set up by Thothmes III; and yet another stands on the remains of the ancient hippodrome at Constantinople.EB 92.4

    45. Amenophis II, was the son and successor of Thothmes III. He reigned only about seven or eight years, 1688-1680 B. C., but he was successful in confirming the power of Egypt over all the regions that his father had conquered, and which had struck for independence immediately upon the death of Thothmes III. He says that he fought with his enemies in the land of Asshur; and on one of his monuments he is pictured receiving tribute from Mesopotamia. In order to give a lasting lesson to rebellious kings, at one place in northern Syria he had seven of the revolted kings brought before him, all of whom he himself slew there with his own battle-club. He then took the seven corpses down to the sea, and fastened them to the prows of his war-ships, and so brought them to Egypt. Having reached his capital, he hung six of the seven bodies outside the walls of Thebes, and the other one he took to Nubia and suspended it upon the wall of Napata, the capital of that country, in order, as he says, “that the negroes might see the victories of the ever-living king over all lands and all people upon earth, since he had possessed the people of the south and chastised the people of the north.” 27[Page 93] “Manual of the Ancient History of the East.” book iii, chap 3, sec. iii, par. 1. On one of his monuments are represented eleven captured kings.EB 93.1

    46. Thothmes IV was the son and successor of Amenophis II. His reign continued only about eight or nine years, 1680-1672 B. C., and but two military expeditions are recorded in it. One of these was against “the Hittites of Syria,” and the other against “the Cushites.” or people of Ethiopia. He took great pleasure in hunting the lion and in other field sports; and was very proud of his fast horses. He declares that the horses which he usually drove to his chariot were “swifter than the wind,” and that when he overtook people on the road, he passed them so quickly that they could not recognize him. He attributed his sovereignty to the special favor of the god Harmakhis, whom he identified with the great Sphinx of the Pyramids. He says that the god spoke to his one day as he rested and slept in its shadow at noon; told him that he should be king of Egypt; and asked him to take away the sand that had partially covered it. This is his story in his own words:—EB 93.2

    “On one of these days the royal son, Thothmes, being arrived, while walking at midday and seating himself under the shadow of this mighty god, was overcome by slumber and slept at the very moment when Ra is at the summit of heaven. He found that the majesty of this august god spoke to him with his own mouth, as a father speaks to his son, saying: Look upon me, contemplate me, O my son Thothmes; I am thy father, Harmakhis-Khopri-Ra-Tum; I bestow upon thee the sovereignty over my domain, the supremacy over the living; thou shalt wear its white crown and its red crown on the throne of Seb, the hereditary chief. May the earth be thine in all its length and breadth; may the splendor of the universal master illumine thee; may there come unto thee the abundance that is in the double land, the riches brought from every country and the long duration of years. Thine is my face, thine is my heart; thy heart is mine. Behold my actual condition that thou mayest protect all my perfect limbs. The sand of the desert whereon I am laid has covered me. Save me, causing all that is in my heart to be executed. For I know that thou art my son, my avenger.... Approach, behold I am with thee....EB 94.1

    “Afterward the prince awakened: he understood the word of this god and kept silence in his heart.” 28[Page 94] “Records of the Past,” New Series, Vol. ii, pp. 55,56.EB 94.2

    47. In accordance with what he had dreamed, after he became king he caused to be cleared away from about the Sphinx the accumulation of the sands of centuries; and when the work had been completed, he formed a small temple 10 x 5 feet at the end of the passage between the paws, and immediately under the chin of the Sphinx. In this temple he placed a stele 7 feet 2 inches in breadth, and 11 feet 10 inches in height, on which he inscribed the account of his dream which we have here quoted, with ascriptions in honor of his gods and in praise of himself. He married a daughter of Artatama, king of the country of Mitanni—the Aram-Naharaim of the Bible.EB 94.3

    48. Amenophis III was the son and successor or Thothmes IV. He reigned at least thirty-six years; for there is an inscription of his bearing that date. This would make his date about 1672-1636 B. C. The terrible lesson given by Amenophis II among the revolted kings in the northeast, seems to have been effectual, as the kings of the different countries made their submission and sent their presents without any warlike demonstration on the part of Amenophis III. His military exploits seem to have been altogether displayed in forays into the Soudan to capture negroes to be made slaves.EB 94.4

    49. As a builder, however, Amenophis III ranks with the leading monarchs of Egypt. “He covered the banks of the Nile with monuments remarkable for their grandeur, and for the perfection of the sculptures with which they are adorned. The temple at Djebel Barkal, the ancient Napata, capital of Egyptian Ethiopia, is the work of this reign, as well as that of Soleb near the third cataract. At Syene, Elephantine, Silsilis, Eileithya, in the Serapeum of Memphis, and in the Sinaitic peninsula, works of Amen-hotep III are found. He made considerable additions to the temple at Karnak, and built that part of the temple of Luxor now covered by the houses of the village of that name. The dedicatory inscription which he placed on it deserves to be inserted as a specimen of the customary style and title of Egyptian sovereigns: ‘He is Horus, the strong bull, who rules by the sword and destroys all barbarians; he is king of Upper and Lower Egypt, absolute master, Son of the Sun. He strikes down the chiefs of all lands, no country can stand before his face. He marches and victory is gained, like Horus son of Isis, like the Sun in heaven. He overturns even their fortresses. He brings to Egypt by his valor, tribute from many countries—he, the lord of both worlds, Son of the Sun.’”—Lenormant. 29[Page 95] “Manual of the Ancient History of the East,” book iii, chap 3, sec, iii, par 2.EB 95.1

    50. On the bank of the Nile opposite Luxor, in front of a temple which he built there, he set up two colossal sitting figures of himself which still stand there, a wonder to all who behold them. They were both cut bodily from the quarry, each one a single block sixty-eight feet four inches in height when finished. The storms of the ages have worn away the tall crowns that were originally upon the heads, so that now they are only about sixty feet in height. The sculptor who carved them says of his work: “I immortalized the name of the king; and no one has done the like of me in my works. I executed two portrait-statues of the king, astonishing for their breadth and height,—their completed form dwarfed the temple-tower—forty cubits was their measure,—they were cut in the splendid sandstone mountain, on each side the eastern and the western. I caused to be built eight ships, whereon the statues wear carried up the river; they were emplaced in their sublime building; they will last as long as heaven. A joyful event was it when they were landed at Thebes and raised up in their place.”—Rawlinson. 30[Page 96] “Ancient Egypt,” chap 20, par. 53.EB 95.2

    51. Like his father, Amenophis III took a wife from the family of the king of the country of Mitanni. In his tenth year he married Kirgipa, the daughter of Sutarna the successor of Artatama. He says she was sent to Egypt with “the chief of her women three hundred and seventeen persons.” 31[Page 96] “Records of the Past,” Old Series. Vol. xii, p. 40. Whether Kirgipa died soon is not known; at any rate he sent to Dusratta king of Mitanni, the son and successor of Sutarna, and received for his chief wife the king’s daughter Teie. King Dusratta wrote two letters to Amenophis III regarding this transaction. The first one reads as follows:—EB 96.1

    “To Nimmuriya. the great king, the king of Egypt, my brother, my son-in-law, whom I love and who loves me, speak thus: Dusratta, the great king, the king of the country of Mitanni, thy brother, thy father-in-law, and who loves thee; unto me is peace, unto my brother and unto my son-in-law may there be peace! to thy houses, to thy wives, to thy sons, to thy men, to thy chariots, to thy horses, to thy country, and to thy property, may there be abundant peace!EB 96.2

    “Of my brother whom I love, the wife, my daughter, I deliver to him: may the Sun-god and Istar march before my brother: according to the heart of my brother may they act: and may my brother on this same day rejoice: may the Sun-god and Istar hear the prayer of my brother : abundant joy to my brother may they give, ... and may my brother live forever in peace!EB 96.3

    “Mane, the messenger of my brother, and Khane, the dragoman of my brother, like a god thou didst send; many presents didst thou give them, thou didst honor them greatly on account of their letter, counting on their service; the men who really live if at any time I see not, may my gods and the gods of my brother protect them!EB 96.4

    “Now Nakhramassi, whom thou hast seen, to transact business with my brother I send; and also one necklace of crystal and alabaster, and some gold, for a present to my brother, I have despatched; and for 100 thousand years for the service of my brother may they be used.” 32[Page 96] “Records of the Past,” New Series Vol. iii, pp. 73,74.EB 96.5

    52. A second letter, giving further particulars, runs thus:—EB 97.1

    “To Nimmuriya, the great king, the king of Egypt, my brother, my son-in-law, who loves me and whom I love, it is said as follows: Dusratta the great king, thy father-in-law, who loves thee, the king of Mitanni, thy brother. Unto myself is peace; unto thee may there be peace, to thy house, to my sister, and to the rest of thy wives, to thy sons, to thy chariots, to thy horses, to thy nobles, to thy country, and to thy property may there be abundant peace!EB 97.2

    “Until the time of thy fathers, they with my fathers were in closest alliance; since then, thou hast perfected it and with my father wert in exceedingly close alliance. Now thou, since thou and I love one another, hast established it ten times more than in my father’s time. May the gods direct us, and this our alliance may Rimmon my lord and Amanum forever as now confirm!EB 97.3

    “And when my brother sent Mane, his ambassador, saying: ‘O my brother, let thy daughter be my wife and mistress of the land of Egypt,’ I did not vex the heart of my brother, and spoke publicly according to his wish, and her whom y brother asked for I showed to Mane, and he saw her. When he had seen her, he much approved of her; and in peace in the country of my brother may I know her; may Istar and Amanum according to the heart of my brother advise her!EB 97.4

    “Giliya, my messenger, reported unto me the words of my brother. When I heard them it was very good, I rejoiced very exceedingly, saying: Verily unto me has this favor happened, and whereas in consequence of the alliance that was between us, we loved each other, now in consequence of these words, we shall love each other forever.”EB 97.5

    53. Further, the letter speaks of the dowry and the gold—“much gold”—which the king of Egypt had sent to Dusratta’s father, and to him; only he hopes that the king will send to him much more than was sent to his father; indeed, he would like to have so much gold that it “could not be counted.” The letter then closes as follows:—EB 97.6

    “Now for a present to my brother, one goblet of gold set with crystals around its cup; one heavy neckiace of 20 crystal beads, and 19 beads of gold, in its center a crystal amulet encased in gold; one heavy necklace of 42 khulalu stones and 40 gold beads, the metal of which is ... of Istar, and in its center an amulet of khulalu stone, cased in gold; 10 pairs of horses; 10 chariots of wood, together with their furniture: and 30 eunuchs; I have sent for a present to my brother.” 33[Page 97] Id., pp. 84-89.EB 97.7

    54. Yet another letter gives another particular as to this marriage. This part of the letter reads as follows:—EB 97.8

    “Mane, the ambassador of my brother, went to demand a wife for my brother, that he might take her to be queen of Egypt; and the letter which he took I read, and to his message listened my good heart attentively, and the words of my brother, as the person of my brother, I saw and rejoiced on that day very exceedingly. Day and night it produced pleasure.EB 98.1

    “And all the words of my brother which Mane took to me, I performed in the same year; again, the wife of my brother, the queen of Egypt, I ... have despatched to my brother; ... but I did not cause them to go up to Egypt to convey my daughter that she might be the wife of my brother—even now I did not cause them to go up. After six months Giliya, my ambassador, and Mane, the ambassador of my brother, I dismissed; the wife of my brother to be queen of Egypt, my daughter to my brother they brought. May Beltis, the lady of battle, my goddess, and Amanu, the god of my brother, according to his heart advise him.” 34[Page 98] Id., pp. 75,76.EB 98.2

    55. Compare this letter with the twenty-fourth chapter of Genesis, and especially verse 55 with the margin. When, about two hundred years before this, Abraham’s servant went to this same country to find a wife for Isaac, and when Rebekah had been chosen, her parents asked that she might abide with them “a full year” or at least, “ten months.” 35[Page 98] This is the reading also of the Jews’ translation. But in view of the clear leading of the Lord, the servant asked that she might go immediately. As an evidence of his great love to the king, Dusratta emphasizes the fact that he had sent his daughter “in the same year” in which she was asked for; and had detained her only “six months.”EB 98.3

    56. When Teie reached Egypt and the king saw her for himself, he was greatly pleased with her. He “rejoiced with exceeding fulness,” and declared, “In the joy of my heart I will give her all her desire.” And he “caused her to be united publicly with his country.” 36[Page 98] Id., p. 81. She is represented as having had “light hair, blue eyes, and rosy cheeks.”—Lenormant. 37[Page 98] “Manual,” etc., book iii, chap 3, sec. iii. par. 4. He prized her so highly that he not only made her the chief of all his wives and queen of Egypt, but he showed her considerable deference in the affairs of the government.EB 98.4

    57. Amenophis IV was the son of Amenophis III, by the lady Teie, the daughter of Dusratta, king of Mitanni. He reigned about twelve years, 1636-1624 B. C. No sooner was he come to the throne than he too sent to King Dusratta for a wife. The old king was much pleased with this additional token of regard from the kingdom of Egypt, and sent a long letter to Amenophis IV, in which he gives the family relations between the two kingdoms for three generations back. His words are as follows:—EB 98.5

    “To Napkhuriya, my son-in-law, whom I love and who loves me, Dusratta, the great king, the king of Mitanni, thy brother, thy father-in-law, who loves thee: unto me is peace; to thee and Teie, thy mother, and Tadukhepa, my daughter, thy wife, may there be peace! To ... may there be peace! To thy sons, to thy nobles, to thy chariots, to thy horses, to thy country, and to thy property may there be exceeding peace!EB 99.1

    “I sent an embassy to Nimmuriya, and thy father sent to me, ... and as regards the message which he sent, there was no word whatsoever which was concealed from the ambassadors of thy father whom he sent to me; and Teie, the chief wife of thy father, thy mother, knew them all: he showed them to Teie; she favored all of them, and after them thy father repeated the words which he had spoken with me. * * * * * * * *EB 99.2

    “Now Manakhbia [Thothmes IV], the father of Nimmuriya, sent to Artatama, the father of my father, and the daughter of Artatama, the father of my father, he asked for: 5 times, 6 times he sends, but Artatama did not give her; at last his daughter he sends, and with a train of handmaids he gave her.EB 99.3

    “An embassy from Nimmuriya [Amenophis III], thy father, to Sutarna, my father, came, and the daughter of my father, my darling sister, though he asked for her and seven times requested her, my father did not give. At last five times and six times he sends, and my father gave her with a train of handmaids.EB 99.4

    “When Nimmuriya, thy father, sent to me, and when he asked for my daughter, I did not refuse, but I spoke favorably; to his messenger I speak as follows: ‘I am ready to give her. Thy messenger among my children has come, and my eyes have seen the aqqati which he has given, and her dowry is worthy of yourself, and I will bestow on her the dowry due to Nimmuriya, thy father, which contains jewels such as no god possesses; and because I am honored I do not refuse to give her.’ And Amasis, the ambassador of my brother, who had come for the bride, I sent back to Nimmuriya after three months, 38[Page 99] This “very costly present” was sent at the end of three months, while the lady herself was sent at the end of six months, as in the letter before par. 54. with a very costly present ... such as none had given before, and a goblet ... of gold was given, which I despatched.EB 99.5

    “At last my daughter I gave to him, and when I had despatched her, and when Nimmuriya, thy father, had seen her, ... he rejoiced with exceeding fulness, and my brother speaks as follows: ‘In the joy of my heart I will give her all her desire.’ And he caused her to be united publicly with his country; and moreover my ambassador he honored like men ... when he had seen him, and he honored him, and ever did Nimmuriya place him in the front rank.... Teie knows the truth of what I speak, and ask Teie, thy mother, if among the words which I speak there is one word of falsehood.... Him did Nimmuriya, thy father, honor, and Nimmuriya, thy father, made brotherhood and league with me....EB 100.1

    “And now they say that Nimmuriya has died, and what they have said has distracted my heart, and I wept on that day, on my throne I did not sit. Bread and water on that day I did not take, and I was sad, and I said: ‘If he is dead, in the land of my beloved sister and among my servants are the objects of gold, and his son will succeed him, and he loves me; or if he is alive with the god, and ... we love one another, and on that account in our hearts we are not distant from each other.EB 100.2

    “And now to me, the eldest son of Nimmuriya, by Teie his wife, has made offers of alliance and brotherhood and has spoken thus: ‘Nimmuriya is not dead since Napkhururiya, his eldest son by Teie, his chief wife, sits in his place, and will never at all alter his words from their place, but they shall remain as before.’” 39[Page 100] Id., pp. 79-83.EB 100.3

    58. Something seems to have occurred that somewhat offended the king of Egypt, for another letter was sent by Dusratta complaining that his ambassadors had not been respected, and begging for restoration of the former friendly relations. Following is the letter:—EB 100.4

    “To Napkhururiya, the king of Egypt, my brother, my son-in-law, who loves me, and whom I love, it is said as follows: Dusratta, king of the country of Mitanni, thy father-in-law, who loves thee, speaks thus: Unto myself is peace, unto thee may there be peace, unto thy houses, Teie, thy mother, and the land of Egypt, to Tadukhepa, my daughter, thy wife, to the rest of thy wives, to thy sons, to thy soldiers and thy chariots, to thy horses, to thy men, to thy country, and to all that thou hast, may there be very abundant peace.EB 100.5

    “Pirizzi and Pupri, my ambassadors, I have sent to my brother to explain, and have addressed them with great trouble and earnestness, and I have sent them in a body (?); and this speech beforehand I make to my brother: Mane, thy ambassador, I detain, and Umeatu, my messenger, ... I will dismiss, and the prophet shall go to thee.EB 100.6

    “And now my brother to their own land has not permitted them to go; but has detained them overmuch. Wherefore has he not protected the ambassadors? They have fled, and there is guilt on my brother in respect of the ambassadors. Why is his heart angered? Why has he spoken before the fact ...? Pupru has not returned, and he has spoken, ... his offers of alliance he does not listen to. Yet I, O son-in-law, am verily thy father-in-law....EB 101.1

    “And as regards the frequent intercourse which with thy father I had, Teie, thy mother, knows the facts; no one else knows the facts; but after Teie, thy mother, thou knowest them and what he said to thee. As thy father with me was friendly, so now, O my brother, again with me thou art friendly, and what is contrary thereto, no one, O my brother, listens to.” 40[Page 101] Id., pp. 89,90.EB 101.2

    59. The conquered kingdoms and peoples remained submissive, and sent their presents to Amenophis IV at his accession, as to his predecessor. Even the strong kingdoms of Babylon and Assyria sent presents to Egypt, and her suzerainty was still recognized there. This we know by letters from the kings of those countries.EB 101.3

    60. At Tel el-Amarna, in Upper Egypt, in the year 1887, there were found a number of tablets containing “copies of letters and despatches from the kings and governors of Babylonia and Assyria, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Eastern Cappadocia, of Phenicia and Palestine” to the kings of Egypt: the most of them to Amenophis III and Amenophis IV. The letters from Dusratta, already quoted, are from this collection. Among these also, are, one letter from Assur-yuballidh, king of Assyria, and two from Burnaburyas, king of Babylon, to Amenophis IV, king of Egypt. These letters show that both these kings and their fathers paid tribute—sent presents—to the king, Amenophis IV, of Egypt, and his fathers. The letter of King Assur-yuballidh, runs as follows:—EB 101.4

    “To Napkhuriya (Neferu-kheper-Ra), the great king, the king of Egypt, my brother, I write thus, even I, Assur-yuballidh, king of the country of Assyria, the great king, thy brother. To thyself, to thy house, and thy country may there be peace! That I have seen thy ambassadors has pleased me greatly; thy ambassadors I have sent for to appear in my presence. A chariot, the choicest in the kingdom, with its harness and two white horses, together with one chariot without harness, and a seal of white alabaster, I have despatched as a present to thee. For the great king is produced perpetually the gold which in thy country is like the dust that they collect; why in thy presence is it brought and kept back? is it withheld and not sent? All the gold that is my property, as well as what is lacking to it, send.EB 101.5

    “When Asur-nadin-akhi, my father, sent an embassy to the country of Egypt (Mitsri), 20 talents of gold did they despatch to him. When the king of the country of Khani-rabbatu to thy father and the land of Egypt sent an embassy, 20 talents of gold did they despatch to him. As to the king of Khani-rabbatu, so also to myself despatch the gold. The road both in going and returning for the hands of my ambassadors I have made secure. If thou inclinest thy face favorably, despatch much gold, and thy letter in return write to me, and what thou desirest let them take.EB 102.1

    “Behold, distant lands have the ambassadors visited and they have journeyed to many cities. As for thy ambassadors they have delayed on the way because the Suti threatened them with death, until I sent and the ‘Suti took fright. My ambassadors ... them and they did not delay. When the ambassadors reached the frontier of Assyria, why do they not wait? and at the frontier they are in a hurry. It is fitting at the frontier they should wait for the king: everything is there and he has established it, and at the frontier he has arranged it. Against the king who fulfils everything, there is no charge; why at the frontier are they in a hurry, even the ambassadors who ...? 41[Page 102] “Records of the Past,” New Series, Vol. iii, pp. 61-63. The Khani-rabbatu of this letter was eastern Cappadocia. Its capital was Malatiyeh.EB 102.2

    61. King Burna-buryas of Babylon wrote as follows:—EB 102.3

    “To Nipkhurri-riya, king of the country of Egypt, by letter I speak, even I Burna-buryas, king of the country of Kara-Duniyas, thy brother unto myself is peace; to thyself, thy house, thy wives, thy children, thy country, thy officers, thy horses, and thy chariots, may there ever be peace!EB 102.4

    “Ever since my father and thy father with one another conferred in amity, they sent beautiful presents to one another; but they did not address one another in fair and beautiful letters. Again, O my brother, 2 manehs 42[Page 102] A maneh was 15.984 grains, or 33.3 pounds, troy weight. of gold I have sent as my present. In return send me abundance of gold, as much as thy father sent; or if that is displeasing, send half of what thy father sent. Wherefore shouldst thou send two manehs of gold only? For the sake of the folding doors in the temple of Mat and the palace which I have undertaken to build, send much gold: and whatsoever thou desirest in my country, write for and let them take it to thee.EB 102.5

    “In the time of Kuri-galzu, my father, the Kunakhians, all of them, sent to him saying: Against the government of the country let us sin and rebel. With thee will we make a league. My father sent this answer to them saying: ‘Cease to ask to ally thyself with me: if thou art estranged from the king of Egypt my brother, and alliest thyself with another, I will not go and assist you.’ Thus my father was like-minded with me, because of thy father he did not listen to them. Again, by an Assyrian who regards my face have I not sent to thee after the news I have of them, asking why they have gone to thy country. If thou lovest me, no success will they obtain; dismiss them to their distant country.EB 102.6

    “For a present to thee 3 manehs of alabaster, and 14 spans of horses, with five chariots of wood I have despatched to thee.’ 43[Page 103] Id., pp. 63-65.EB 103.1

    62. As his ambassadors were on their way to Egypt, they were slain, and the presents for the king of Egypt were confiscated in one of the countries through which they were to pass. As that country was subject to Egypt, King Burna-buryas sent to the king of Egypt a report of it and a request that the injury be redressed. This letter is as follows:—EB 103.2

    “To Napkhuhru-riya, the king of Egypt, my brother it is spoken thus: Burna-buryas, the king of Kara-Duniyas, thy brother,—unto myself is peace; unto thee, thy country, thy house, thy wives, thy children, thy officers, thy horses, and thy chariots, may there ever be peace!EB 103.3

    “I and my brother with one another have conferred amicably, and this is what we have said, as follows: ‘As our fathers with one another, we also have friendly dealings.’ Again, my ministers who came with Akhi-dhabu into the country of Kinakhkhi trusted to destiny, from Akhi-dhabu to visit my brother, they passed; in the city of Kikhinnatuni of the country of Kinakhkhi, Sum-Adda, the son of Balumme, and Sutatna the son of Saratum, of the city of Akku, 44[Page 103] It seems most probable that these Kinakhians were Canaanites; for this “Akku” appears certainly to be the Accho of the land of Canaan. when they had sent their men, slew my ministers and carried off their treasures which they were taking for a present to the king of Egypt.EB 103.4

    “I have sent to you therefore a complainant who may speak to thee thus: Kinakhkhi is thy country and the king is thy servant. In thy country I have been injured; do thou punish the offender. The silver which they carried off was a present for thee, and the men who are my servants they have slain. Slay them and requite the blood of my messengers; but if thou dost not put these men to death, the inhabitants of the high-road that belongs to me will turn and verily will slay thy ambassadors, and a breach will be made in the agreement to respect the persons of ambassadors, and this man [Burna-buryas] will be estranged from thee.EB 103.5

    “One of my men, Sum-Adda having cut off his feet detained him with him: and as for another man, Sutatna of Akku having made him stand on his head he stood upon his face. 45[Page 103] See something of the same kind in David’s reign. 2 Samuel 10:1-5. As for these men, ... one has spoken thus: ‘I have seen indeed ... what thou askest that indeed thou knowest.’EB 103.6

    “By way of a present, 1 maneh of alabaster I have despatched to thee By my ambassadors a costly gift I have sent to thee. On account of the report which my brother has heard, my ambassadors do not detain, the costly present let them offer to thee.” 46[Page 104] Id., pp. 65-67.EB 104.1

    63. In the many forms of the idolatry of Egypt, the elements of sun-worship had a place. But until the time of Amenophis IV, the sun was considered as but one among the many gods of the country. True, it was considered one of the greatest, if not the greatest, of the gods, its name “Ra” was made an element in the title of the sovereign of the land of Egypt—Ph-Ra-oh—, and the king called himself “the Son of the Sun,” yet for all this it was but one among the many other gods. With Amenophis IV, however, there was a change made. Under the influence of four generations of Mesopotamian women, and especially of Teie, mother of Amenophis IV, the sun had acquired a greater prominence than formerly; and now this king undertook to make the sun the only god, and sun-worship the only worship, of the country.EB 104.2

    64. The disk of the sun by the name of Aten, was the emblem of this worship. Amenophis himself changed his own name to Khu-en-aten, which signifies “the splendor of the solar disk.” In the letters to him from Palestine and Phenicia, he is constantly addressed as the “Sun-god.” He proposed to make this disk-worship “the sum and substance of the state religion, and not only to devote himself to it with all the enthusiasm of a thoroughly Oriental nature, but to press it upon his subjects as the proper substitute of all their ancient worships.”—Rawlinson. 47[Page 104] “Ancient Egypt,” chap 20, par. 59. “A regular persecution broke out throughout the whole empire. The temples of the ancient gods were closed, and their images, as well as names, everywhere effaced from the monuments, especially the image and name of Amen the supreme god of Thebes.... Wishing to make an end of all the traditions of his ancestors, this reforming king abandoned Thebes and built another capital in Upper Egypt, in a place now called Tel-el-Amarna.”—Lenormant. 48[Page 104] “Manual,” etc., book iii, chap 3, sec. iii, par. 4.EB 104.3

    65. This forceful sweeping away of the gods and temples of the former worships of all kinds—this too at the dictation of foreigners—caused much disaffection among the people throughout the land; because the whole of Egypt was so filled with idolatry of all sorts, that “it was easier to find a god than a man.” “All Egypt bore the impress of religion. Its writing was full of sacred symbols and of allusions to sacred myths, so that its use beyond the influence of Egyptian religion became, as it were, impossible. Literature and science were but branches of theology. The fine arts were only employed with a view to religion and the glorification of the gods or deified kings.EB 105.1

    66. “The prescriptions of religion were so multiplied, so constantly repeated, that it was not possible to exercise a profession, to provide for one’s subsistence, or satisfy one’s commonest wants, without being constantly reminded of the laws laid down by the priests. Each province had its special gods, its peculiar rites, its sacred animals.”EB 105.2

    67. “Symbolism was the very essence of the genius of the Egyptian nation, and of their religion. The abuse of that tendency produced the grossest and most monstrous perversion of the external and popular worship in the land of Mizraim. To symbolize the attributes, the qualities, the nature of the various deities of their pantheon, the Egyptian priests had recourse to animals. The bull, the cow, the ram, the cat, the ape, crocodile, hippopotamus, hawk, ibis, scarabeus, and others, were each emblems of a divine personage. The god was represented under the figure of that animal, or more often by the strange conjunction peculiar to Egypt, of the head of the animal with a human body. 49[Page 105] This was no doubt peculiar to Egypt; but surely it was a conjunction no more strange than that of the Greeks in which the head and chest were human and the body animal. But the inhabitants of the banks of the Nile, instinctively averse to the idolatry of other pagan nations, preferred to pay their worship to living representatives of their gods rather than to lifeless images of stone or metal, and they found these representatives in the animals chosen as emblems of the idea expressed by the conception of each god.”—Lenormant. 50[Page 105] Id., book iii, chap 5. sec. vii, par. 1,2,25.EB 105.3

    68. The public forms and ceremonial of their worship were as all-pervading as was the idolatry itself. “The great temple of each city was the center of its life. A perpetual ceremonial of the richest kind went on within its walls, along its shady corridors, or through its sun-lit courts; long processions made their way up or down its avenues of sphinxes; incense floated in the air; strains of music resounded without pause; all that was brightest and most costly met the eye on every side; and the love of spectacle, if not deep religious feeling, naturally drew to the sanctuary a continual crowd of worshipers or spectators, consisting partly of strangers, but mainly of the native inhabitants, to whom the ceremonies of their own dear temple, their pride and their joy, furnished a perpetual, delightful entertainment. At times the temple limits were overpassed, and the sacred processions were carried through the streets of the town, attracting the gaze of all; or, embarking on the waters of the Nile or of some canal derived from it, glided with a stately motion between the houses on either side, a fairer and brighter sight than ever. The calendar was crowded with festivals, and scarcely a week passed without the performance of some special ceremony, possessing its own peculiar attractions. Foreigners saw with amaze the constant round of religious or semi-religious ceremonies which seemed to know no end, and to occupy almost incessantly the main attention of the people.”—Rawlinson. 51[Page 106] “Ancient Egypt,” chap 10, par. 1.EB 106.1

    69. To attempt to check this immense tide of human feeling and habit, and turn it into one single channel, even though that channel were one of kindred idolatry, could have no other effect than to fill the land with disaffection; and the priests of the old forms would of course take an active part in making the discontent more prevalent.EB 106.2

    70. With such a condition of things in Egypt, it was inevitable that there should be in Palestine and the other subject countries of the northeast, attempts to free themselves from the Egyptian yoke. Accordingly we find letters from the Egyptian governors and native kings in those countries, reporting to the king of Egypt the dangers and invasions of their respective provinces and cities. Since the time of Thothmes III, the Hittites had been steadily growing in strength themselves as a nation, and had further added to their power by a confederacy of several neighboring peoples, and now they began to threaten the Syrian and Phenician provinces of Egypt. A certain Aziru, governor of northern Syria, whose father Dudu was Grand Vizier of the empire, and whose brother also held some office at the court of the king, wrote to his brother as follows:—EB 106.3

    “To Khai, my brother, thus I speak, even I Aziru, thy brother: Unto thee may there be peace, and from the soldiers of the palace of the kind my lord may there be much peace!EB 107.1

    “What immediately I speak before the king my lord, publicly I speak, even I and my sons and my brothers, all being servants of the king my lord before him.EB 107.2

    “Now I and Khatib have gone again with a present to Khazai who is among you; verily the frontier, behold! I have reached.EB 107.3

    “From the orders of my lord I do not free myself, or from your orders, even I the servant of my lord.EB 107.4

    “The king of the land of the Hittites in the country of Nukhasse is staying, and I am afraid of him and have defended myself. To Phenicia he ascends; and if the city of Dunip falls, he stays in a place only 2 parasangs [7.36 miles] from here, and I am afraid of him; yet according to this order he remains until he quits it. And now one has gone with a costly present to him, even I and Khatib.” 52[Page 107] “Records of the Past,” New Series, Vol. iii, pp. 67, 68.EB 107.5

    71. To his father, Dudu, the same Aziru wrote as follows:—EB 107.6

    “To Dudu, my lord, my father, thus speak I, Aziru, thy servant; at the feet of my lord I prostrate myself.EB 107.7

    “Behold! there has gone the prince of the king my lord unto me. From the commands of my lord, my god, my Sun-god, and from the commands of Dudu, my lord, I do not free myself.EB 107.8

    “Now, O my lord, Khatib remains with me. I and he will go together. O my lord, the king of the land of the Hittites has marched into the country of Nukhasse; but has not prevailed over the cities. May the king of the land of the Hittites quit them! Therefore now have we marched, even I and Khatib” 53[Page 107] Id., pp. 69,70.EB 107.9

    72. A certain Rib-Addu, or Rib-Hadad, was governor of a province in northern Phenicia, having the city of Gebal for his capital. Ebed-Asirta, which means “the servant of Ashera,” was the chief of the city of Barra-barti, in the land of the Amorites, who had succeeded in gathering a considerable force of the Bedouin. And he and his four sons were invading Phenicia and causing much distress to Rib-Addu who was old and at the same time very sick. Accordingly he writes to the king of Egypt as follows:—EB 107.10

    “Rib-Addu says to the king of the world, the great king, the king of the universe, to whom the divine lady of Gebal has given strength; to the king my lord; at the feet of my lord, the Sun-god, seven times seven I prostrate myself.EB 108.1

    “Verily let the king my lord know that strong is the hostility of Ebed-Ashera against me. Now the city which contended against me he has taken.... Again, what about Ebed-Ashera, the dog? And he has come against all the cities of the king, the Sun-god; word to the king of the country of Mitani [Mesopotamia] and the king of the country of the Kasse [Babylonia] he has sent, .... and has taken the country of the king for himself. And now again he has collected all the Bedouin against the city of Sigata and the city of Ambi, and has taken also the territory of this city, and there is no place which the Bedouin have not entered.” 54[Page 108] Id., Vol. vi, p. 56, The Turkish “Salaam” of t-day means. “I lay my head at your feet.”EB 108.2

    73. In another letter he writes thus:—EB 108.3

    “What is Ebed-Ashera, the servant, the dog? yet he has taken the country of the king for himself. What is his origin? yet he is strong among the Bedouin, strong in his power, and he has despatched 50 convoys of horses and 200 foot-soldiers, and they are stationed in the city of Sigata in his presence. Until the household troops appear he will not assemble all the Bedouin; yet he has taken the city of Sigata and the city of Ambi.” 55[Page 108] Id., p. 57.EB 108.4

    74. The word which Ebed-Ashera had sent to the kings of Mitanni and Babylon had caused them also to revolt, as is shown in the following letter:—EB 108.5

    “To the king, my lord, my Sun-god, speaks Rib-Addu, thy servant, thus: At the feet of my lord, my Sun-god, seven times seven I prostrate myself. The king my lord knows that Salma-salla, the son of Ebed-Ashera, has entered the city of Ullaza, in order to strengthen the cities of Ardata, Yibiliya, Ambi, and Sigata, all the cities, for themselves, and the king has sent a force to the city of Zemar until the king shall give counsel to his country in regard to the sons of Ebed-Ashera, the servant, the dog.... The king of the country of the Kassi, and the king of the country of Mitani are strong and have taken the country of the king for themselves already, and they have seized the cities of thy governor; yet thou delayest in granting the request of thy Commissioner, and they have seized the cities for themselves. Now they have taken the city of Ullaza. If, therefore, thou delayest until they have taken the city of Zemar and also have slain the Commissioner and the household troops which are in Zemar, what could one do? and I could not march up to Zemar, the city. The cities of Ambi, Sigata, Ullaza, and Arvad, are hostile to me. They have plotted, even they, that they shall enter the city of Zemar, even these cities and their ships. And the sons of Ebed-Ashera are in the field.” 56[Page 109] Id., pp. 58,59.EB 108.6

    75. The sons of Ebed-Ashera were in the field to some purpose, too; for another letter shows their progress as follows:—EB 109.1

    “To the king my lord, my Sun-god, I speak, even I, Rib-Addu, thy servant: at the feet of my lord, my Sun-god, seven times seven do I prostrate myself. The king my lord has heard the words of the servant of his justice. I am very sick. Unto me has hostility approached. The sons of Ebed-Asirta descended into Phenicia; they and all the country of the city of Tsumura and the city of Irqata, armed themselves against the governor; and now in the city of Tsumura is their station Behold, the governor is sick. On account of the attack he has left the city of Gubla, and there are not Zimrida and Yapa-Addu along with me. Now accordingly has the governor sent to them, and they have sent 30 manehs to him. Now has the king my lord heard the report of the servant of his justice, and has despatched reinforcements in haste to the city of Tsumura to defend it and capture the soldiers of the palace of the king, the Sun-god; and the king, the Sun-god, has supplied me with the soldiers of the kingdom from the midst of his own country. A second time has the king my lord, heard the report of his servant and has despatched the garrison to the city of Tsumura and to the city of Irqata.” 57[Page 109] Id., Vol. iii, p. 70. The Tsumura of this letter is the Zemar of the one before it. This is the Zemar of Genesis 10:18. It “lay at the foot of Lebanon in Phenicia.”EB 109.2

    76. Not only was the city of Zemar taken and the capital city Gebal threatened, but through the successes of Ebed-Ashera, Tyre also was infected with the spirit of revolt. Tyre seems to have been a very wealthy and prosperous city even then, for Rib-Addu wrote of it: “Behold the palace of the city of Tyre! there is no palace of any other governor like the palace of the city of Ugarita is it. Exceeding great is the wealth of the man, all of it.” 58[Page 109] Id., Vol. vi. p. 65. He thought that Tyre was entirely loyal and trust-worthy, and even wrote: “Behold! the action of the city of Tyre I do not fear.... The daughters of my brother I have sent to the city of Tyre from fear of Ebed-Ashera.” 59[Page 110] Id., p. 4. But he is compelled at last to confess that even Tyre is excited against him. Here is the letter:—EB 109.3

    “Rib-Hadad sends to his lord, the great king, the king of the world, to whom the divine lady of Gebal has given strength, to the king my lord: at the feet of the king my lord, my Sun-god, seven times seven I prostrate myself.EB 110.1

    “The king my lord knows that strong is the hostility of Ebed-Ashera, of the city of Barra-barti: all my cities have gone over to him. The city of Gebal and the city of Tyre he has excited against me, and two messages he has sent, and he says to the citizens: ‘I am your lord!’” 60[Page 110] Id., p. 764.EB 110.2

    77. From the governor of the province of which Sidon was the head, the following report was sent:—EB 110.3

    “To the king my lord, my gods, my Sun-god, my king, my lord. speak thus: I Zimridi, the governor of the city of Sidon, at the feet of my lord, my gods, my king who is my lord, at the feet of my lord, my gods, my Sun-god, my king, my lord, seven times seven prostrate myself.EB 110.4

    “Verily the king my lord knows that the queen of the city of Sidon is the handmaid of the king my lord, who has given her into my hand, and that I have heard the words of the king my lord that he would send to his servant, and my heart rejoiced, and my head was exalted and my eyes were enlightened and my ears heard the words of the king my lord; and the king knows that I have sent in front the soldiers of the palace of the king my lord; I have sent everything as the king my lord commanded.EB 110.5

    “And the king my lord knows that hostility is very strong against me: all the fortresses which the king gave into my hand have committed the offense of revolt.” 61[Page 110] Id., Vol. v, pp. 89,90.EB 110.6

    78. In Palestine also the whole country was fairly ablaze with revolt and internecine strife. Each king was grasping all that he could for himself, while loudly professing perfect loyalty to the king of Egypt and charging all the others with rebellion against him. Jerusalem and the neighboring country seems to have been the center of disturbance, and Ebed-tob,—servant or slave of Tob,—the king of Jerusalem, the leading object of complaint. For instance, the city of Keilah had been taken from its legal jurisdiction, and the governor in whose province it was, reported the matter thus:—EB 110.7

    “To the king my lord; my gods, my Sun-god, by letter I speak, even I, Su-arda-ka, thy servant, the dust of thy feet: at the feet of the king my lord, my gods, my Sun-god, seven times seven do I prostrate myself.EB 111.1

    “The king of the country of ... directed the mouth to make war: in the city of Kelte [Keilah] he made war against thee the third time. A cry for assistance to myself was brought. My city belonging to myself adhered to me. Ebed-tob sends to the men of Kelte; he sends fourteen pieces of silver, and they marched against my rear; and the domains of the king my lord they overran. Kelte, my city, Ebed-tob removed from my jurisdiction; the pleasure park of the king my lord and the fortress of Bel-nathan and the fortress of Hamor from before him and his justice they removed. Lab-api the halting in speech occupied the fortress of ... ninu and now Lab-api together with Ebed-tob and his men has occupied the fortress of .... ninu.” 62[Page 111] Id., Vol. ii p. 62.EB 111.2

    79. Lab-api, or rather Lab’ai, as he himself wrote it, was addressed by the king of Egypt in regard to this report, and he answered for himself as follows:—EB 111.3

    “To the king my lord and my Sun-god speak thus: I Lab’ai thy servant and the dust of thy feet, at the feet of my lord and my Sun-god seven times seven prostrate myself.EB 111.4

    “I have heard the words which the king has sent to me, and here am I, and the king apportions his country unto me. I say. I am a righteous servant of the king, and I have not sinned, and I have not offended, and I do not withhold my tribute, and I do not refuse the request to turn back my liers-in-wait. Now the food of my stomach they have taken away, and yet I do not complain, O king, my lord.EB 111.5

    “My second offense is that of entering the city of Gezer; but I say expressly they had taken, O king, my property and the property of Malchiel. How can I know the doings of Malchiel in regard to this or myself? The king has sent to Bin-sumya, he does not know that Binsumya along with the Bedouin had marched, and has given a city and property in it to my father, saying this: that if the king sends for my wife, I shall withhold her, but if to myself the king sends, I must pay a bar of copper in a large bowl and conclude a treaty, since they have not performed the message of the king.” 63[Page 111] Id., Vol. v, pp. 78,79.EB 111.6

    80. Malchiel answered for himself thus:—EB 111.7

    “To the king my lord, my gods, my Sun-god, speak thus: I, Malchiel, thy servant, the dust of thy feet, at the feet of the king my lord, my gods, my Sun-god, seven times seven prostrate myself.EB 111.8

    “The king my lord knows that strong is hostility against me and against Su-yardata; and the king my lord has taken his country from the hand of the Bedouin. If the king my lord does not despatch chariots to capture the enemy they will slay his servants.” 64[Page 112] Id., P. 80.EB 112.1

    81. In a series of six letters Ebed-tob vigorously defended himself against the reports of these others; and also gave quite a full account of the actual condition of affairs in the country. These letters are here inserted in their order, for the view that they give of Palestine one hundred and fifty years before the Exodus of Israel, as well as for their part in the history of this period. 65[Page 112] They are all found in “Records of the Past,” New Series, Vol v, pp. 66-76.EB 112.2

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