January 1—March 31, 1859 1EGWLM 581.1
Diary,1 Probably this is Ellen White's first regular diary. If there are earlier diaries, they have not been preserved. Arthur L. White argues plausibly that Ellen White was motivated to start a diary by the difficulties she experienced in writing her first major autobiographical work (Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2]), which was started in 1858 and published in 1860. In the foreword to that book she admits having “labored under great disadvantages, as I have had to depend in many instances, on memory, having kept no journal till within a few years.” It may well be that in order to forestall such problems in the future she started keeping a diary in 1859. See: Arthur L. White, Ellen G. White: The Early Years, p. 394; Ellen G. White, Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2], p. iii.
Portions of this manuscript are published in Ellen G. White, Selected Messages, book 2, p. 337; book 3, pp. 261, 262; idem, Welfare Ministry, pp. 322-325; idem, Manuscript Releases, vol. 3, pp. 136-142; vol. 4, p. 437; vol. 7, pp. 216, 217; Arthur L. White, Ellen G. White: The Early Years, pp. 396-400.
It is the commencement of the new year. The Lord gave James [James Springer White] liberty Sabbath afternoon in preaching upon the necessary preparation for baptism and to partake of the Lord's supper. There was much feeling in the congregation. At intermission, all repaired to the water, where seven followed their Lord in baptism. It was a powerful season and of the deepest interest. Two little sisters about eleven years old were baptized.2 Identities: According to James White's report in the Review, among those baptized on this occasion were “two little girls … the eldest daughter of widow sister Cranson, and the youngest daughter of brother and sister C. Smith.” The eldest daughter of Mary Cranson, a member of the Battle Creek group, was Lucretia Cranson, about 12 years old. The only “C. Smith” among the members at this time was Cyrenius Smith whose youngest daughter Mary Lettece Smith was 11. See: 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Lucinda [sic] Cranson,” Michigan, Jackson County, Spring Port, p. 296; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Lucretia Cranson,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Battle Creek, p. 23; obituary: “Mary Abbey,” Review, Aug. 18, 1921, p. 22. This person has not been identified.
In the eve the church followed the example of their Lord and washed one another's feet, and then partook of the Lord's supper. There was rejoicing and weeping in that house. The place was awful, and yet glorious, on account of the presence of the Lord. 1EGWLM 581.4
Sister Augusta Bognes4 This person has not been identified. Ellen White left a few days later, on January 7, for a journey of almost three weeks and 210 miles (338 kilometers) through western Michigan. Accompanying her were her son Edson (age 9), J. N. Loughborough, his wife Mary, and their daughter Teresa, 11 months old. (See entries for Jan. 8, 18, 19.) See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 26, 1859. Identity: Further diary entries provide clues as to the identity of “Sister Irving.” She had a daughter, Agnes, age 17, and a husband who was on his deathbed (Jan. 6, Mar. 10, Apr. 23). According to further information published in The Good Samaritan, she lived “about ten miles [16 kilometers] from Battle Creek.” All this points to Catherine Irving, listed in the 1860 census as living in Ross township, Michigan, a few miles from Battle Creek. According to the census, there was an Agnes, age 18, in the household, but no male adult. The name of Catherine's dying husband can be found in a Review obituary, which reported that William Irving, “of Ross, Mich.,” died on June 4, 1859, “of consumption.” See: E. G. W. [Ellen G. White], “From My Diary,” The Good Samaritan, December 1859, p. 5; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Catherine Irving,” Michigan, Kalamazoo County, Ross, p. 25; obituary: “William Irving,” Review, June 9, 1859, p. 23. Descriptions of the desperate plight of the Irving family are found under entries for Jan. 6 and Mar. 10.
Went to the office; called in at Brother Loughborough's [John Norton Loughborough]8 Identity: J. N. Loughborough and his wife, Mary Jane, had moved to Battle Creek in 1857 and lived within about 100 yards (91 meters) of the Whites. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Sketches of the Past—No. 106,” Pacific Union Recorder, Oct. 6, 1910, p. 1; Glenn Davis and Jean Davis, “Notebook, Vol. 1,” deposited at Historic Adventist Village, Battle Creek, Michigan (section on J. N. Loughborough). Ellen White's sister Sarah B. Belden. Cf. diary entry for Mar. 1: “Called to see Sister Sarah and Mother.” Sarah's husband, Stephen Belden, worked as printer at the Review and Herald. The Beldens had moved to Battle Creek in 1855 in conjunction with the relocation of the Review office from Rochester, New York. Identity: The February 3, 1859, issue of the Review mentions “Bro. and sister Naramore of Rochester, who have lately embraced the truth.” Other letters and receipts from 1859 and early 1860 add the title “Dr.” and the initial “J.” The 1860 census gives the full name “John Naramore”—a dentist living in Rochester, New York. None of the 10 letters mentioned under January 3 and January 4 are in the White Estate archives except the letter to Bro. Hastings (see Lt 1a, 1859 [Jan. 4]). See: Search term “Naramore” in Words of the Pioneers; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “John Naramore,” New York, Monroe County, Rochester, Ward 7, p. 335; J. N. Loughborough, “Sketches of the Past—No. 114,” Pacific Union Recorder, Aug. 17, 1911, p. 1. Robert and Eunice Harmon had moved to Battle Creek from Maine by 1856, possibly late 1855 (see Lt 8, 1856 [Jan. 21]). Extant records indicate that they were somewhat unsettled, at times living with the Whites (daughter Ellen), at times with the Beldens (daughter Sarah) or in other temporary accommodation. Also recorded are two or three lengthy visits they made to their son John B. Harmon, who lived in Illinois. It appears that the Harmons were staying with their son in Illinois when Eunice Harmon died in 1864. See: Ellen G. White, Lt 8, 1856 (Jan. 21); Ms 5, 1859 (Mar. 29 entry); Ms 7, 1859 (July 26 entry); Lt 11, 1860 (Oct. 22); Lt 6a, 1861 (July 26); Lt 27, 1861 (June 19); Lt 29, 1861 (Nov. 13); James White to “Dear Sister,” Nov. 4, 1856; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Jn. B. Harman,” Illinois, Greene County, Between the Creeks, p. 184; Eunice Harmon to “Ellen,” Dec. 10 (1855?); obituary: “Eunice Harmon,” Review, Jan. 26, 1864, p. 71. Identity: Cf. Mar. 30 entry, where Ellen White mentions writing a letter to “Brother J. T. Orton.” Elsewhere during 1859 she refers to “Drusilla” and “Alva” in connection with “Brother Orton” (Lt 3, 1859) which clearly connects “Brother Orton” with Jonathan T. Orton, of Rochester, New York, who had two children by that name. (For identities of other addressees listed in the entries of January 3 and January 4, see note 15.) See: 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Jonathan Orton,” “Drusilla Orton,” “Alva Orton,” New York, Monroe County, Rochester, Ward 7, p. 317. Identity: An obituary notice in the Review the following year reports the death of “Mary Jane Cranson (widow)” who “fell asleep in Jesus at Battle Creek, Mich., Aug. 27, 1860 … aged thirty-five years.” See: Obituary: “Mary Jane Cranson,” Review, Sept. 18, 1860, p. 143.
Went to the office. Wrote a number of letters to different ones who were acquainted with our experience. Wished them to call up the events and write them to us.14 This is another indication that Ellen White was gathering materials to write her first major autobiographical work (Spiritual Gifts [vol. 2]), which was published the following year (see note 1 above). Identities: The fact that Ellen White provides the addresses of Brethren Hastings, Collins, Lunt, and Nichols helps to establish their full identity. That these individuals “were acquainted with our experience” and could provide information for her planned autobiographical book, makes the identity certain. All of them were pioneers of the Sabbatarian Adventist movement going back to the 1840s. It is likely that the letters written the previous day to “Brother Howland,” “Sister Ashley,” and “Brother Collins” had a similar purpose since all three surnames are those of pioneers from the 1840s—Stockbridge Howland, Melora A. Ashley, and Philip Collins.
[See also Lt 1a, 1859, written on this date.] 1EGWLM 584.1
Thought of remaining at home to prepare for my journey. At noon James said they needed help at the office. I went down to help them. There was a difficulty in the press. No papers to fold. All waiting for work. While waiting I wrote to Brother Benedict's [Joseph Perry Benedict]16 Identity: This is the first of several mentions of “Brother” and “Sister” Benedict and their “daughters” in the 1859 diary. Some of these make it quite clear that the Benedicts lived in Battle Creek. Fortunately, the 1860 census has only one Benedict household in Battle Creek, that of Joseph (age 55), Milly (age 50), Diantha (age 26), Betsy (age 15), and Benjamin (age 53). That these are the Sabbatarian Benedicts Ellen White is addressing is confirmed by J. N. Loughborough, who makes mention of a “Sr. Diantha Benedict,” apparently living in the Battle Creek area, in his diary for 1859 (the title “Sr.” indicating her Sabbatarian faith). This letter is not in the White Estate archives. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Joseph Benedict,” Michigan, Calhoun, Battle Creek, p. 53; J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 4, 1859. This person has not been identified. Identity: The family context presented here, especially the presence of 4-year-old William, strongly suggests that “Jenny” is Jane Fraser, who for several years had helped in the White household. Two unrelated families with the name Smith are known to belong to the Battle Creek group at this time—Harriet and Uriah Smith and Louisa and Cyrenius Smith. It is uncertain whether Harriet or Louisa is referred to here, but it is more likely Harriet, who assisted at the Review office. See: Search terms “Smith” and “Battle Creek” in Words of the Pioneers. Identity: Three Cornell brothers, Merritt E., Myron J., and James, with their families, were members of the Battle Creek Adventist community at various times from the 1850s and onward. However, at the time of writing, i.e., January 1859, two of these families were not living in Battle Creek. Merritt E. spent the winter of 1858-1859 preaching in Ohio. It is known from several sources that his wife, Angeline, usually accompanied Merritt on his preaching tours. They had no children. James Cornell, a shoemaker, although listed in the 1860 census as living in Battle Creek, was apparently working in Monterey, Michigan, at this time, because Ellen White notes in her diary that on Jan. 16, 1859, eleven days later, she “took dinner at Brother James Cornell's” in Monterey. Ellen White is most probably referring to Cornelia, wife of Myron Cornell, in this diary entry. See: J. W. [James White], [notice re. M. E. Cornell], Review, Sept. 30, 1858, p. 152; Ellen G. White, Lt 10, 1863 (Nov. 28); Ms 5, 1859 (Jan. 16 entry); obituary: “Angeline M. A. Cornell,” Review, Jan. 7, 1902, p. 14; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “James Cornell,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Battle Creek, p. 25. For lists of early Battle Creek church members, see EGWEnc, s.v. “Battle Creek Tabernacle.” Identity: This might be Roxanna Cornell, wife of James Cornell and sister-in-law to Cornelia Cornell. It is possible that Cornelia, knowing Ellen White planned to visit Monterey within the next week or so, requested Ellen to take “some things” to her sister-in-law.
[See also Lt 13, 1859, written on this date.] 1EGWLM 585.1
Made a cap and a vest for Edson. At night am very weary. Gave Agnes [Agnes Irving]22 Identity: See note in Jan. 2 entry. A lightweight fabric made of cotton or silk and wool. Agnes Irving worked in the White home from January to May 1859 for “nine shillings a week” ($1.12), leaving just before her father died in early June. See: Ellen G. White, Ms 5, 1859 (Mar. 10 entry); Ms 6, 1859 (May 24 entry); obituary: “William Irving,” Review, June 9, 1859, p. 23. For further details of the response of the White family to the Irvings’ plight, see entries under Mar. 10, 15, 17, 29. The desperate situation of the Irvings seems also, in part, to have caused James White to launch The Good Samaritan paper later that year. The second issue, published in December 1859, contained among other items an appeal by Ellen White on behalf of the Irvings. In the following issue, February 1860, several sums of money were receipted “for Sister I. of No. 2,” and a report was given of funds that had been dispersed to “Sr. Widow Irving.” See: “Receipts,” The Good Samaritan, February 1860, p. 12; Harriet N. Smith, Ann J. Kellogg, Huldah Godsmark, “Widow Cranson,” The Good Samaritan, February 1860, p. 12.
Went to Otsego26 Here begins the account of the three-week journey, with John Loughborough at the reins. In a diary entry Loughborough noted that they left Battle Creek at 9:00 a.m. and arrived in Otsego, some 30 miles (48 kilometers) away, “a little before 6.” See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 7, 1859. Identity: The only “Leightons” identified in the Review as living in Otsego, Michigan, during this period are George Leighton and his family. See: Search term “Leighton” in Words of the Pioneers.
It is the holy Sabbath. May we honor and glorify God today. 1EGWLM 585.4
We went with Brother Leighton in his sleigh to Otsego, four miles [six kilometers]. It was very cold; could hardly keep comfortable. Found the meetinghouse not very warm. All were so cold. Must take time to get warm. Brother Loughborough preached upon the judgment. Then I said a few words. Not very free. Then the church readily gave in their testimonies. Many of those who were Cranmer's [Gilbert Cranmer]28 Identity: The fact that “Cranmer” is connected in this passage with “division” among the believers and that his followers are found in Otsego suffice to identify him as Gilbert Cranmer, who had separated from the Sabbatarian Adventists in 1858, the beginnings of what later became the Church of God (7th Day). A conference held in Battle Creek in May 1858 had warned that “G. Cranmer has been preaching views contrary to the present truth,” and a letter, some months later, from Otsego church members reported that Cranmer had “drawn off with him eight of the [Otsego] church … all of the men being tobacco eaters.” See: Joseph Bates, Uriah Smith, “Business Proceedings of the Conference of May 21st, 1858,” Review, May 27, 1858, p. 13; George Leighton, Rocksilda Leighton, “Testimony,” Review, Sept. 9, 1858, p. 132. For biographical information on Gilbert Cranmer, see Robert Coulter, Story of the Church of God (Seventh Day), passim; Gilbert Cranmer, Autobiography of Gilbert Cranmer, as Told to M. A. Branch (n.d.); Richard C. Nickels, A History of the Seventh Day Church of God, passim; SDAE, s.v. “Marion Party.” J. N. Loughborough notes in his diary that he “spoke to about 30, some of them Cranmerites.” See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 8, 1859. Gilbert Cranmer taught the seventh-day Sabbath and the Second Advent and in that sense “preached the same as Brother Loughborough preached.” There were differences, however. The following year, in conversation with Joseph Bates, Cranmer asserted that “we … believe and teach the same as the Battle Creek church, except the visions of Mrs. White, and a part of the midnight cry, and some of the work in the Sanctuary.” According to Cranmer's later memoirs his antipathy to the visions was a leading factor in his secession. “I made up my mind I would not belong to a church that was ruled by a woman any longer.” J. N. Loughborough maintained that it was Cranmer's unwillingness to give up tobacco and reform his domestic life, as called for in Ellen White's vision one year earlier, that caused him to break away. See: Joseph Bates, “Letter From Bro. Bates,” Review, Jan 26, 1860, p. 76; Richard C. Nickels, A History of the Seventh Day Church of God, pp. 36, 37; J. N. Loughborough, Rise and Progress of the Seventh-day Adventists, p. 216; idem, “Recollections of the Past—No. 17,” Review, Feb. 1, 1887, p. 74. “The Lord gave me victory over my enemies,” Loughborough jotted down in his diary. “They tried to rage but facts were told by Sr. White and me.” See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 8, 1859.
Rested well last night, but feel a depression of spirits this morning. It is very cold today. Word has been brought to us that the Baptist meetinghouse has been locked up to keep us out. They do not hold meetings there themselves, neither will they let us enter. 1EGWLM 586.1
We held meetings in Brother Russell's [Lester Russell]32 Identity: The only Russell mentioned in the Review, said to live in Otsego, is Lester Russell. The 1860 census confirms this identity, because the only Russell family listed for Otsego is that of Lester Russell. See: Search term “Russell” and “Otsego” in Words of the Pioneers; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Lester Russell,” Michigan, Allegan County, Otsego, p. 54. Identity: The name “Hatten” does not appear in the Review for this period, nor in the 1861 list of Otsego church members, nor is there any “Hatten” living in Otsego, according to the 1860 census. However, the similar-sounding name “Hadden” is found in all three sources, so it is likely that this is simply a spelling error by Ellen White. As to the identities of “Brother Hatten” and his brother and wife, some help can be found in the register of Otsego church members of 1861. This lists “Lewis Hadden” with some of his family, and also “Hettie M. Hadden,” who was married to George Hadden. No proof that Lewis and George Hadden were brothers has been found, but it seems likely, since both came to Michigan from Putnam County, New York, and both married daughters of Jeremiah Travis, of Putnam County. That “Brother Hatten” is Lewis and his brother and wife are George and Hettie, who are interested but not yet members, is inferred from the fact that there is no mention of Hettie in the Review before 1860, whereas Lewis (“L. Hadden”) is found already in 1857. George, it appears, never joined the Adventists. See: “Book of Records of the Seventh-day Advent Church in Otsego”; William Richard Cutter, Genealogical and Family History of Southern New York and the Hudson River Valley, vol. 3, p. 889; search term “Hadden” in Words of the Pioneers.
Left Brother Leighton's Monday afternoon for Allegan. Was heartily received by Dr. Lay's [Horatio S. Lay] family. Sister Lay [Julia M. Lay]34 Identities: The 1861 register of church members in Allegan lists only two persons with the surname “Lay,” Horatio S. and Julia M. Lay. Moreover, Horatio Lay, according to church and local records, was a medical doctor in Allegan at the time of Ellen White's diary entry, and so is undoubtedly the “Dr. Lay” that she refers to. See: “Allegan SDA Church: 1863-1976”; History of Allegan and Barry Counties, Michigan, p. 158; search term “H. S. Lay” in Words of the Pioneers; obituary: “Dr. Horatio S. Lay,” Review, Mar. 13, 1900, p. 176.
The names that follow are from Monterey, so even though it is not explicitly stated, Ellen White and her party must have traveled from Allegan to Monterey on this day.
Tuesday, January 11 1EGWLM 587Went to Brother Rumery's [Sylsbre R. Rumery].36 Identity: The Review mentions three Rumerys from this period: “S. Rumery,” of Monterey, “J. Rumery,” and “B. J. Rumery.” Monterey church board minutes, census records, and other sources show three members of the same family—Sylsbre Rumery, married to Betsie J., and one of their sons named Jeremiah. See: “Records of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, Monterey, Michigan [1860-1880]”; 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Silsbury Rumery,” Michigan, Allegan County, Monterey, p. 35. Two years earlier the situation had been quite different. In October 1857 Ellen White wrote to Sylsbre Rumery: “You have loved money better than religion, better than God,” and taken advantage of fellow church brethren in sharp business deals. See: Ellen G. White, Lt 9, 1857 (Oct.). Identity: J. N. Loughborough's diary entry for January 11 reads: “In the evening Bro. George Lay & wife & Sister V. Jones visited here.” This is most likely referring to Elizabeth, the wife of Victory Jones. The Jones and Lay families appear to have been neighbors, according to the 1860 census. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 11, 1859; “Records of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, Monterey, Michigan [1860-1880]”; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Victor Jones” and “George Lay,” Michigan, Allegan County, Monterey, p. 142.
Wednesday morn had a solemn season of prayer. Brother Rumery felt deeply. He again pled with God in great simplicity for his children. May the Lord answer the father's prayers and give him his children to go with him. There is an improvement in the children. They obey more readily and the oldest boy seems more steady.39 Sylsbre's three oldest children were baptized in 1862. The “oldest boy,” Jeremiah L., later served as an elder in the Monterey church, assisted in tent meetings, and led in colporteur work in Michigan. Sylsbre left the church, but his wife “continued faithful to God” until her death. See: “Records of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, Monterey, Michigan [1860-1880]”; W. H. Littlejohn, “Michigan,” Review, Jan. 16, 1883, p. 43; J. N. Brant, “Northern Michigan Canvassers,” Review, June 10, 1890, p. 366; obituary: “Sylsbre Rumery,” Review, Dec. 2, 1884, p. 766; obituary: “Betsie Lay Rumery,” Review, June 15, 1916, p. 22.
I went to Brother Thompson's.40 This person has not been identified. Identity: Several Kenyon families were associated with the Monterey group at this time. Most mentioned in the Review and in Monterey church minutes were Harvey and Amy P. Kenyon and Harmon M. and Sarah M. Kenyon. Harmon later became a well-known minister. Which “Brother Kenyon” is referred to in this diary entry cannot be determined. See: “Records of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, Monterey, Michigan [1860-1880]”; search terms “Kenyon” and “Monterey” in Words of the Pioneers. Monterey church records from the period 1860-1862 mention only one person with the surname “Day”—John S. Day. See: “Records of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, Monterey, Michigan [1860-1880].” Changeable weather complicated their travel. Having left Battle Creek on Friday, January 7, with horses and wagon, they found it advisable on Monday to switch to a sleigh and leave the wagon behind in Otsego. However, in this entry, two days later, Ellen White notes that “the snow is leaving us,” necessitating a long backtrack of some 15 miles (24 kilometers) to Otsego to retrieve their wagon. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entries for Jan. 7-13, 1859.
Brother Day carried out his proposal. He started for Allegan. We rode with him as far as Brother Oren Jones’ [Orrin B. Jones].44 The spelling favored in several other sources is “Orrin.” See: Obituary: “Orrin B. Jones,” Review, Aug. 28, 1883, p. 559; 1870 U.S. Federal Census, “Orrin B. Jones,” Michigan, Allegan County, Allegan, p. 46; “Orrin B. Jones,” Record of Deaths, Allegan Co., Michigan, vol. 2, p. 15, no. 579. Leander Jones and Orrin (“Oren”) Jones were brothers. See: Record of Deaths, Allegan Co., Michigan, vol. 2, p. 15, no. 579, “Orrin B. Jones,” d. Aug. 20, 1883, and vol. 3, p. 14, no. 22, “Leander M. Jones,” d. Jan 16, 1902. In both entries the parents are given as “Davis Jones and Betsey.”
Expected James. A letter came that he is not coming because Brother Andrews was expected.46 The Review had already announced that James White would be in Monterey that weekend. James White, it seems, received very short notice of J. N. Andrews's stop in Battle Creek on his way from Iowa to Rochester, New York, and decided to give his visit priority. During his stay in Battle Creek, Andrews was co-opted to participate in an important meeting on “Systematic Benevolence” on January 16, and together with J. B. Frisbie and James White to write up a report on this subject “founded upon the declarations of holy Scripture.” See: L. M. Jones et al., “Appointments,” Review, Jan. 6, 1859, p. 56; J. W. [James White], [no title], Review, Jan. 27, 1859, p. 80; J. W. [James White], “Systematic Benevolence,” Review, Feb. 3, 1859, p. 84. Identity: A few weeks later, on February 17, 1859, the Review reported that “the churches at Allegan and Monterey have recently been caused to bleed in consequence of the course of Elder John Fisher, for whom they have cheerfully done much, hoping for something from him in return better than ingratitude and rebellion.” See: James White, “The French Mission,” Review, Feb. 17, 1859, p. 104. Leander Jones's hunting expedition was clearly not for sport but out of dire necessity. Two weeks later Ellen White “sent Sister Leander Jones some things for her children, and Jenny sent her her best bonnet.” She added, “May the Lord enable us to see the wants of the poor and give us a ready and willing heart to supply them” (Feb. 3 diary entry).
The ground is again covered with snow. Brother John preached upon the inheritance of the saints, giving the election doctrine a rub.49 Loughborough later reported that there was one person in the Monterey congregation “whose heart had been touched with the truth … [yet was] on the point of rejecting the whole truth because it did not agree with the doctrine in which he had been traditionated from his youth; namely unconditional election.” See: J. N. Loughborough, “Meetings in Otsego, Monterey and Wright, Mich.,” Review, Feb. 3, 1859, p. 85.
In the eve there was a church meeting to investigate Father Fisher's [John Fisher] case. He broke down a little. Made some confession, and was put upon probation, not to be acknowledged as a messenger but as a learner50 Assigning John Fisher “learner” status had some justification. Formerly a Baptist minister, Fisher had become a Sabbathkeeper just 10 months earlier, in March 1858. Yet within a few months the Review was already carrying reports of his public preaching. See: M. E. Cornell, “Meetings at Stony Creek, Mich.,” Review, Apr. 8, 1858, p. 165; Joseph Bates, Uriah Smith, “The Conference,” Review, May 27, 1858, p. 13; John Fisher to “Bro. Smith,” Review, Aug. 12, 1858, p. 102. Exactly why Fisher was in conflict with the Monterey church is not known. However, the Jan. 17 entry indicates that among those issues was his rejection of the visions of Ellen White.
Am quite sick. Went to the meeting. Was so sick I was obliged to return home to Brother Leander's. John preached on the Sanctuary. Had a free time. Took dinner at Brother James Cornell's [James Cornell].52 Identity: See notes on Jan. 5 entry. No Fosters have been found among the Monterey group during this period, although there were some in nearby Allegan. See: “Allegan SDA Church: 1863-1976”; search term “Foster” in Words of the Pioneers. This person has not been identified.
Felt better this morn. We remained at Brother George Lay's through the day. We feel lonesome and sad. There is but little to cheer the spirits or make the heart glad. The case of Father Fisher lies heavily upon us all. Brother Inman [Eldad Inman]55 Identity: The information that Brother Inman was from Wayland is very useful since there is a letter in the Review just two months earlier signed “Eldad Inman. Wayland, Mich.” See: Eldad Inman to “Bro. Smith,” Review, Nov. 25, 1858, p. 7.
Brother Lay harnessed his horses to a sleigh and took Mary [Mary Jane Loughborough],56 Identity: See notes on entries for Jan. 2 and 3. Charles Dickens, who traveled in America in the 1840s, described his experience with log roads, also called “corduroy roads”: “A great portion of the way was over what is called a corduroy road, which is made by throwing trunks of trees into a marsh, and leaving them to settle there. The very slightest of the jolts with which the ponderous carriage fell from log to log was enough, it seemed, to have dislocated all the bones in the human body.” Plank roads, on the other hand, gave a much smoother ride, and were popular in mid-nineteenth-century America. Costing $1,000 to $2,000 per mile to construct and expensive to maintain, plank roads were owned by private corporations, which charged tolls for their use. John Loughborough noted in the accounts section of his diary that he paid 45 cents “toll” on this day, no doubt for travel on the plank road to Grand Rapids. See: Charles Dickens, Pictures From Italy. American Notes, pp. 378, 379. For an in-formative description of early American roads, see Eric Sloane, Our Vanishing Landscape, pp. 57-70.
Have slept but little through the night. A little daughter was born to add to Brother and Sister Cramer's responsibilities. The mother and child are comfortable. 1EGWLM 592.1
In the afternoon we went to Wright. Brother Cramer, the elder [Christopher G. Cramer],58 Identity: A Brother “C. G. Cramer,” from Grand Rapids, Michigan, is mentioned in the Review in 1857. The 1850 census for Grand Rapids reveals a “Christopher Cramer,” age 42 and head of a household that included “James Cramer,” age 19. That “Christopher Cramer” and “James Cramer” are the Cramers mentioned in this narrative can be confirmed by comparing date and place information in their respective obituaries with that in the 1850 census entry. That they are father and son is suggested by the expression “the elder” used of Christopher. The 1850 census tells us that Christopher was head of a household that included James but does not specify that James was son to Christopher. See: C. G. Cramer to “Bro. Smith,” Review, Mar. 26, 1857, p. 165; Joseph Bates, Uriah Smith, “Business Proceedings of the General Conference of Nov. 6th, 1857, Review, Nov. 12, 1857, p. 4; 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Christopher Cramer,” Michigan, Kent County, Grand Rapids, p. 178; obituary: “Christopher G. Cramer,” Review, July 15, 1873, p. 39; obituary: “James I. Cramer,” Review, Sept. 3, 1914, p. 23. See note on Jan. 2 entry and obituary: “Teresa C. Loughborough,” Review, Jan. 12, 1860, p. 63. Identity: The only Roots living in Wright, Michigan, mentioned in the Review for this period are Ephraim H. and Hezzy Root with family. See: Search terms “Root” and “Wright” in Words of the Pioneers.
Rested well through the past night. Feel lonesome today. It is dark and rainy. This is an excellent family. In the afternoon, Brethren Frisbie [Joseph Birchard Frisbie] and Rhodes [Samuel W. Rhodes]61 Identities: As is made clear in the Jan. 23 entry, Frisbie was a preacher, and must therefore be J. B. Frisbie, the only preacher with that surname in this period. The previous summer Frisbie and Samuel W. Rhodes had preached together in Wright and other parts of western Michigan. In July 1858 it was reported in the Review that Rhodes had baptized 38 persons at Wright. This suggests that he would have an interest in being present at the conference in Wright taking place in January 1859 and that he is the Brother “Rhodes” Ellen White refers to here. See: J. B. Frisbie, S. W. Rhodes, “Meetings in Northern Mich.,” Review, July 15, 1858, p. 72; idem, “From Brn. Rhodes and Frisbie,” Review, Sept. 2, 1858, p. 126. James White, who had originally intended to join his wife and the Loughboroughs during this weekend's conference at Wright and the previous weekend's meetings, was in the end unable to attend. See notes under Jan. 14 above. See: J. B. Frisbie, “Appointments,” Review, Jan. 13, 1859, p. 64.
Feel a little more cheerful in spirits. Meeting commenced today. The house was well filled.63 Loughborough adds, “About 200 Sabbath-keepers came together to this conference, nearly 100 of whom have embraced the truth within the past year in Wright and vicinity.” The conference was held in “the new meeting-house which is in process of erection.” See: J. N. Loughborough, “Meetings in Otsego, Monterey, and Wright, Mich.,” Review, Feb. 3, 1859, p. 85.
Sabbath drawing on. Had a lengthy meeting in the afternoon and none in the evening. Many testimonies were given in. Many of them lacked the Spirit. I spoke a little; feel deeply my unworthiness. 1EGWLM 593.2
I have felt so homesick on the journey. I fear that I have not been willing to sacrifice the company of my husband and children to do others good. I desire a willingness to make a whole sacrifice and crucify every selfish feeling. I feel a lack of the Spirit of God. Have had a weeping time before the Lord. And again while attempting to bear testimony in meeting, my heart was full. I could not refrain from weeping. 1EGWLM 593.3
This morning I have been pleading and wrestling with God. I have a gleam of light but this cannot satisfy me. I must know that my way pleases God. Went to the meeting with a heavy heart. Am much depressed in spirit.64 Loughborough, likewise, was depressed. “I felt sad till about 11 o'clock,” he wrote in his diary for this Sabbath. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 22.
Meeting commenced at half past eight and the house was well filled. It was a prayer and conference meeting. The exhortations and prayers were more spirited. No time was lost. Two or three arose at once to speak. One sister arose three times and could not speak. Others would arise and she sat down. At length she gave it up. The conference meeting ended. Brother Loughborough gave an interesting discourse which would tend to wean the hearts of the people of God from earth, turn their attention from their trials, and cause them to work for the things which are unseen, which are eternal. There was a short intermission. Brother Loughborough again gave an interesting, appropriate discourse. I then followed in exhortation. Had freedom and victory, speaking of the life and sufferings of Christ and of His coming the second time, the Life-Giver to raise the dead and change the living. 1EGWLM 594.1
In the evening Brother Frisbie preached upon the Sabbath. He did not have his usual liberty. Brother Loughborough said a few words and I followed, saying a few words, that none of us were compelled to receive salvation but we could receive it if we would. We could choose life or death. Many desire life but do not choose it. They love the world, its fashion, its pleasure, and they plainly show they have not chosen eternal life. Their treasure is here. This world is their home. The lives of those who choose life and salvation will be marked with their choice. Their conduct will say plainly that they are seeking a better country, even a heavenly, a city that hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God. Our meetings closed this night. 1EGWLM 594.2
We rode to Grand Rapids to Brother Cramer's, the elder. Many have stopped on their way home—a large company for whom to get dinner, but it passed off very agreeably. In the eve I went up to young Brother Cramer's; had some conversation with them and then a season of prayer. I felt called out to pray for the elder Brother Cramer, who is deeply afflicted with ill health and lameness. Had some freedom in prayer. I believe he will be speedily strengthened to glorify God. We feel that our evening's interview was profitable. 1EGWLM 594.3
It looks like a storm. I feel rather cast down. My teeth troubled me through the night. We rode 14 miles [22 kilometers] to Brother Hardy's [William J. Hardy].65 Identity: Although there are several Hardys mentioned in the Review during this period, the one referred to here is almost certainly William J. Hardy. According to the diary kept by J. N. Loughborough on this trip, “Bro. Hardy” lived in or near the township of Caledonia, Kent County. In a letter to the Review in 1858, William J. Hardy tells of worshipping with “the Sabbath-keepers in Caledonia,” although he apparently lived in the adjoining township of Gaines. Additional confirmation is provided by Ellen White's observation that the Hardys were “a colored family.” The 1860 census lists “Wm. J. Hardy” as “mulatto.” See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 25; Wm. J. Hardy, “From Bro. Hardy,” Review, Apr. 29, 1858, p. 191; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Wm. J. Hardy,” Michigan, Kent County, Gaines, p. 94.
Rested but little the past night. Brother Gerald [Lyman Gerould]66 Identity: J. N. Loughborough informs us in his diary entry for Jan. 25 that the traveling party came to Caledonia on that day. The problem is that there is no mention in census records nor in the Review of any “Brother Gerald” living in Caledonia township during this period. Loughborough says that they stayed with “Br. Geruld.” Three months later, on passing through Caledonia again, Ellen White wrote in her diary of staying the night at “Brother Gerould's.” She may be using alternate spellings for the same person. There is some evidence of this ambivalence found when comparing Lt 12, 1861 (Dec.), with Ms 3, 1863 (July 22). In both cases she addresses various persons in the Caledonia church, including a “Brother Gerould” in Lt 12 and a “Brother Gerald” in Ms 3. Yet the counsel given to both of them is so similar that there seems little doubt she is addressing the same person. The spelling “Gerould” is preferred in this study since that is the use consistently adopted in the Review. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 25; Ellen G. White, Ms 6, 1859, entry for Apr. 28; search terms “Gerald” and “Gerould” in Words of the Pioneers; 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Lyman Jerrald,” Michigan, Kent County, Gaines, p. 255; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Lyman Jerrold,” Michigan, Kent County, Caledonia, p. 152.
It is a beautiful day. We feared we should be obliged to ride in a storm, but we have a very good road and everything seems favorable. We are homeward bound today and expect before night to meet husband and children. At noon took a dry luncheon at an old hotel, while the horses were feeding.67 Loughborough added that they drove from 5:30 a.m. to 5:30 p.m., with time out for eating and feeding the horses, on this final day of the journey. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Jan. 26.
Rested but little the past night. Was so thankful and happy to meet my family again and to be in the society of my husband and children [that] I could not sleep. Have a headache through the day. 1EGWLM 596.1
Had the privilege of sitting at the table with my husband's father and mother68 John and Betsey White had visited Battle Creek two years earlier, according to Martha Byington's diary for November 30, 1857. However, this time they came with the intention to stay. Within a couple of months of this diary entry they had moved into their own house just across the street from Ellen and James (see diary entry for Mar. 20 below). For discussions of the date of John and Betsey White's arrival in Battle Creek, see Lt 2, 1855 (Aug.), note 15, and EGWEnc, s.v. “‘Deacon’ John White.” Regarding Ellen White's parents, see under Jan. 3 diary entry above. See: Martha Byington, 1857 diary.
Have spent a very restless night. My lungs are very sore. Every breath causes me pain. Cannot attend meeting today. 1EGWLM 596.3
At noon Sister Kelsey [Eunice Rebecca Kelsey]69 Identity: Presumably this is the same “Sister Kelsey” described in the Mar. 2 diary entry as a “widow” living 13 miles (21 kilometers) from Battle Creek. Eunice Kelsey, an active Adventist, fits this description very well, having lost her husband 18 months earlier and living in Leroy Township, which lies some miles south of Battle Creek. Her younger daughter, Mary Ellen, married Ellen and James White's son William Clarence in 1876. See: obituary: “A.P.H. Kelsey,” Review, Aug. 13, 1857, p. 119; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Eunice Kelsey,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Leroy, p. 226; obituary: “Eunice Rebecca Kelsey,” Review, June 21, 1906, p. 23.
My lungs trouble me very much. 1EGWLM 596.5
Very sick all day with sick headache. Henry Pierce [Henry Harlow Pierce],70 Identity: A letter in the Review from “Henry H. Pierce, Monterey, Mich.,” dated July 13, 1857, gives the middle initial, and H. H. Pierce's obituary provides the full middle name. See: Henry H. Pierce, “From Bro. Pierce,” Review, July 30, pp. 102, 103; obituary: “Henry Harlow Pierce,” Review, Nov. 12, 1901, p. 14. Identity: See notes under Jan. 13, 14 above; Leander M. Jones. See: Note under Jan. 14 above. Leander and Harriet Jones lived in Monterey. The implication is that Ellen White was sending these gifts in care of Henry Pierce, who was returning to Monterey.
Health poor. Went to the stores with Brother Bates and Augusta Bognes.73 This person has not been identified. Identity: Apparently the coat was a gift from the church members in Monterey and Allegan. In an undated letter addressed “to the church in Monterey and Allegan,” Joseph Bates wrote, “I am very much obliged to you for the twelve dollars you sent Sr. Augusta Bouges to buy me a coat. I needed one about this time, about as much as any garment.” Events mentioned in the letter indicate that it was written in February 1859, even though earlier editors have dated it “cir. 1852.” The generosity of the Monterey members did not stop here. The following year, 1860, a house was built in Monterey for the Bateses. Extant church minutes indicate that the house was financed in whole or in part by Monterey members. See: Joseph Bates, “To the Church in Monterey and Allegan” (n.d.); History of Allegan and Barry Counties, Michigan, p. 286; “Records of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, Monterey, Michigan [1860-1880],” monthly meeting minutes for Oct. 7, 1860, Jan. 6, 1861, Jan. 5, 1862.
Attended meeting all day. James preached twice. Had freedom. His text was, “This generation shall not pass, until all these things be fulfilled.” In the afternoon I had a free time as I bore testimony. Brethren Carmen [John Frost Carman] and Street [Sherman A. Street]75 Identities: Brethren “Carmen” and “Street” urged the Whites “strongly to come to their place.” There is no mention in the Review of a “Carmen” and a “Street” living close to each other; in fact, the surname “Carmen” does not appear at all during this period. However, there are several references to a “J. F. Carman” and an “S. A. Street,” both from West Windsor, Eaton County, Michigan, about 35 miles (56 kilometers) east of Battle Creek. This provides almost certain evidence for the identities of these two persons and indicates that Ellen White is using the alternative spelling “Carmen” for “Carman.” The full names of both are found in sources specified below. See: Search terms “Carmen,” “Carman,” and “Street” in Words of the Pioneers; obituary: “John Frost Carman,” Review, May 10, 1923, p. 22; obituary: “Sarah Jane Street,” Review, Mar. 25, 1915, p. 22.
Visited my mother;76 See: Notes for Jan. 3 entry. Probably for purposes of the autobiography Ellen White was preparing. See notes under Jan. 1 and Jan. 4 above.
Sent a letter to my sister Mary [Mary Plummer Foss] and one to Jane Seaman.78 Identity: Little more than her location can be known for sure about the “Jane Seaman” of this diary entry. The few available sources locate her either in Rochester, New York, or in nearby Clarkson. It could well be that Ellen White is writing to an acquaintance from her Rochester years in the early 1850s. Questions remaining unanswered include whether “Jane Seaman” was, in fact, the “Sarah Jane Seaman,” of whom more is known; whether she was the wife of “E. R. Seaman,” an active layman from Rochester; and whether she was born “Sarah Jane Loughborough,” a cousin of J. N. Loughborough. The letters to Mary Foss and Jane Seaman are not in the White Estate archives. See: Angeline Stevens Andrews, “Diary” entries for Feb. 23, 24, 1862; search term “Seaman” in Review and Herald online collection, www.adventistarchives.org; obituary: “Sarah Jane Seaman,” Review, July 27, 1869, p. 39. Identity: Evidence supports identifying this Robert Holland as the one who conducted the short-lived first school for Sabbatarian Adventist children in Battle Creek, in 1856 or 1857. Frequent receipts appear in the Review from 1854 onward for a “R. Holland,” with the full name “Robert Holland” given in 1868, together with address in Napoleon, Michigan. Although his occupation in the 1870 census is given as “pedlar,” the fact that the 1860 census lists him as “School Teacher” confirms his identity. See: W. C. White, “Memories and Records,” p. 1; E. M. Cadwallader, A History of Seventh-day Adventist Education, p. 6; search term “Holland” in Words of the Pioneers; “Receipts,” Review, June 18, 1867, p. 16; 1870 U.S. Federal Census, “Holland, Robert,” Michigan, Jackson County, Napoleon, p. 22; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Robert Holland,” Michigan, Kent County, Caledonia, p. 157. See: Notes for Jan. 3 entry.
Wrote a letter to Sister Drusilla Lampson [Drusilla Lamson]81 Drusilla Lamson, about 28 years old and living just outside Rochester, New York, was a daughter of Jonathan T. and Caroline Orton. Ellen White knew Drusilla well from the years the Whites spent in Rochester (1852-1855), where the Ortons were prominent members of the Sabbatarian group. The spelling “Lamson” rather than “Lampson” is found in the Review and most other sources. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Drusilla Lampson,” New York, Monroe County, Gates, p. 173; 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Drusilla Orton,” New York, Monroe County, Rochester Ward 7, p. 317; search term “Orton” in Words of the Pioneers. Ellen White's sister-in-law, married to Daniel Chase, of Fairfield, Maine. The letters to Drusilla Lampson and Mary Chase are not in the White Estate archives. The most frequently mentioned Lyon family in Battle Creek during this period is that of Henry and Deborah Lyon. Both in their 60s, they had moved to Battle Creek in 1853. Ellen White might also be referring to Mary H. Lyon, unmarried and in her 30s, also a member of the Battle Creek group. However, in other correspondence Ellen White refers to Mary Lyon not as “Sister Lyon” but as “Sister Mary” (Lt 19, 1861 [Oct. 13], and Lt 14, 1862 [Jan. 13]) or “Sister Mary Lyon” (Lt 2, 1862 [Jan. 20]). The likelihood, therefore, is that “Sister Lyon” is Deborah Lyon. See: Search term “Lyon” in Words of the Pioneers; [notice re address of Henry Lyon], Review, Dec. 27, 1853, p. 200; obituary: “Henry Lyon,” Review, May 28, 1872, p. 191; obituary: “Deborah Lyon,” Review, Mar. 10, 1874, p. 103; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Mary H. Lyon,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Battle Creek, p. 122. See: Notes on Jan. 28 entry. The identity of this person has not been established. The only Adventist Ballou family known from this period is James M. and Hulda Ballou, living in Jefferson County, New York. It is possible, of course, that Hulda Ballou was visiting Battle Creek at this time. See: Search term “Ballou” in Words of the Pioneers. Ellen's mother, Eunice Harmon, died almost five years later, aged 77. See: Obituary: “Eunice Harmon,” Review, Jan. 26, 1864, p. 71. This person has not been identified.
Had a good season of family prayer. My soul hungers and thirsts for salvation and holiness of heart. My anxiety is great for my children. I was led out to cry earnestly to God for them that they may be subjects of His grace and heirs of salvation. Wrote my twin sister88 Identity: Ellen White's twin sister, Elizabeth N. (“Lizzie”), married to Reuben M. Bangs and living in Gorham, Maine. Elizabeth Bangs never became a Sabbathkeeper, but the two sisters had a warm relationship. Some of their correspondence, covering several decades, has been preserved in the White Estate archives. None of the letters written on this date are in the White Estate archives. Identity: The only “Folsom” mentioned in the Review before 1864 is Paul Folsom, living near Boston, Massachusetts. The name of his wife is found in census records. It could be that the Ellen White's main purpose in writing this letter was to request from the Folsoms details for her forthcoming autobiography. Paul Folsom, to whom published references go back to 1851, was a leading figure among Sabbatarian Adventists in Massachusetts. For years regular Sabbath services and conferences had been held at the Folsom home in Somerville, just north of Boston. There are several references to visits by Ellen and James White to their home. See: Search term “Folsom” in Review and Herald online collection, www.adventistarchives.org; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Margaret Folsom,” Massachusetts, Middlesex County, Somerville, p. 76; Ellen G. White, Lt 9, 1859 (Sept. 6), Ms 7, 1859 (diary entries Sept. 5, 19).
Am not well. In the forenoon Sister Harriet Smith [Harriet N. Smith]90 Wife of Review editor Uriah Smith. Identity: This is most likely Ann Janette Kellogg, second wife of John Preston Kellogg, a prominent Sabbatarian Adventist who had moved to Battle Creek in 1856. J. P. Kellogg's oldest daughter, Julia, age 21, as well as Louisa, wife of his oldest son, Merritt G., were also members of the Battle Creek church, so technically speaking they might also have been referred to as “Sister Kellogg.” However, it seems more likely that the title “Sister Kellogg” would be reserved for Ann Janette, the most senior of them. See: Timothy Hopkins, The Kelloggs in the Old World and the New, vol. 1, p. 636; Richard W. Schwarz, John Harvey Kellogg, M.D., p. 17; EGWEnc, s.v. “Battle Creek Congregation.”
Picture: 1EGWLM 600
Picture: Ellen White's diary entries from February and March 1859 1EGWLM 600
Picture: 1EGWLM 601
Picture: Ellen White's diary entries from June and September 1859 1EGWLM 601
soon after, Sister Grant [Nancy Grant],92 Identity: Although the surname “Grant” was fairly common in the Review during the 1850s and early 1860s, lists of Battle Creek church members from this period mention only Nancy Grant and her husband, Walter. See: Search term “Grant” in Words of the Pioneers; EGWEnc, s.v. “Battle Creek Congregation.” Identity: Both John Warren Bacheller and Samuel B. Warren were members of the Battle Creek group at this time. Ellen White does not normally address persons only by their surname, without any title such as “Brother” or “Mr.” It is more likely that she is referring to John Warren Bacheller, usually known by his middle name “Warren,” a 19-year-old employed at the Review printing plant. See: EGWEnc, s.v. “Battle Creek Congregation”; obituary: “John Warren Bacheller,” Review, Oct. 25, 1917, p. 18.
I cannot keep out of my mind the words of our Saviour, “Strait is the gate and narrow is the way that leadeth unto life, and few there be which find it; because wide is the gate and broad is the way that leadeth unto death, and many there be which go in thereat.” Who will choose Christ as his portion and be willing to suffer trial and affliction for His sake? Who will cheerfully endure the trials and without fretfulness make any required sacrifice? Oh, it is a great thing to know the fellowship of Christ's sufferings; yet we must know this. We must so enter into the life of Christ that we can realize in a degree the great sacrifice made for us and consider that any privation or sacrifice that we can make to make others happy and to save souls is aiding in the plan of salvation. Thus we are coworkers with God, coworkers with His angels. 1EGWLM 602.1
Am not well. Unable to write. Keep my chamber nearly all day. 1EGWLM 602.2
Sabbath attended meeting all day. Brethren Charles Jones [Charles Jones] and Henry Pierce [Henry Harlow Pierce]94 Identity: “Henry Pierce, from Monterey” was mentioned in the diary entry of Feb. 3. Since Charles Jones also was from Monterey, perhaps the two men came to the Battle Creek meeting together. See: Obituary: “Charles Jones,” Review, Mar. 24, 1904, p. 23. Identity: 17-year-old Agnes Irving (see Jan. 6 and Mar. 10 entries). Agnes was baptized three months later (see Ms 6, 1859 [Apr. 23 entry]).
Have some little freedom in writing. My carpet was brought home today, and Sister Byington [Catherine Byington]96 Identity: A clue as to the identity of “Sister Byington” is found in Ellen White's diary entry for Apr. 16 (Ms 6, 1859), where the family of “Brother Byington” is said to be located in or near Ceresco, Michigan, a few miles from Battle Creek. The Review published numerous letters from John and/or Catherine Byington signed “Ceresco, Michigan.” They had moved from New York to Ceresco (actually to the adjacent township of Newton; Ceresco was probably the postal address) in 1858. One might question whether this “Sister Byington” refers to the wife of John and Catherine's son, John Fletcher Byington, or maybe to their adult daughter, Martha. In her diaries, however, Ellen White tended to refer to younger members of an extended family by their first names, thus, in this case, reserving the title “Sister Byington” for the mother. See: Search terms “Byington” and “Ceresco” in Words of the Pioneers; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Catherine Byington,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Newton, p. 244.
The Lord was with us in meeting. 1EGWLM 603.2
Sent a letter of eight pages to Dr. Naramore [John Naramore]97 Identity: See under Jan. 3 above. This letter is not in the White Estate archives. Identity: See under Jan. 3 above. This letter is not in the White Estate archives.
[See also Lt 31, 1859, written on this date.] 1EGWLM 603.4
Had a good meeting. There was preaching in the forenoon and prayer and conference in the eve. It is encouraging to see those who have lately embraced the truth so ready to bear their testimony. May the Lord build them up in the most holy faith and strengthen them to run the whole length of the Christian road that they may obtain an everlasting victory, a rich and glorious reward. 1EGWLM 603.5
My lungs are very painful. Every breath causes me distress. In the eve Brother and Sister Godsmark [Richard and Huldah Jane Godsmark]99 Identity: As is made clear in the diary entries for March 23 and 24, the Godsmarks lived locally. The 1860 census lists only two Godsmark households in all of Michigan, that headed by John Godsmark and that headed by his brother Richard Godsmark, both living in Bedford Township, a few miles north of Battle Creek. There is no mention of John Godsmark or any of his household in the Review or other current Adventist sources, whereas these contain many mentions of “R. Godsmark,” “Richard Godsmark,” and “Sr. H. Godsmark.” By elimination, therefore, we are left with the conclusion that Ellen White is referring to Richard and Huldah Godsmark, of Bedford. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “John Godsmark,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Bedford, p. 116; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Richard Godsmark,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Bedford, p. 118; search term “Godsmark” in Words of the Pioneers; Mark Bovee, “Richard Godsmark: A Man of God Who Left His Mark in the Battle Creek Area.”
Mary Loughborough came here; stopped with us to dinner. Her baby was sick.100 Teresa C. Loughborough died the following January of “lung fever, which terminated in consumption”; she was less than 2 years old. J. N. Loughborough's diary for 1859 contains a number of references to Teresa's health. See: Obituary: “Teresa C. Loughborough,” Review, Jan. 12, 1860, p. 63; J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entries for Sept. 20, 30; Oct. 8, 11; Dec. 27, 31. Identity: The name “Ratel” (or “Ratelle,” as in the June 22 diary entry) does not appear in Adventist sources. However, census records from Battle Creek and vicinity list the family of Joseph and Marguerite Ratelle from 1860 onward (with various spellings). Persuasive evidence that Marguerite is the “Sister Ratel(le)” Ellen White writes of is found in a newspaper interview given by Marguerite Ratelle on her ninetieth birthday in which she tells of moving to Battle Creek about 1854 and how “she knew Elder James White … and Mrs. Ellen G. White, the prophetess, well, they living neighbor to her.” The article adds that “their friendship was a pleasant one despite their religious differences, Mrs. Ratelle being a Baptist.” See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Margret Rotell [sic],” Michigan, Calhoun County, Emmett, p. 152; 1870 U.S. Federal Census, “Margaret Ritell [sic],” Michigan, Barry County, Johnstown, p. 194; 1880 U.S. Federal Census, “Margret Rattell [sic],” Michigan, Calhoun County, Battle Creek, p. 50; 1900 U.S. Federal Census, “Margaret Ratelle,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Battle Creek Ward 3, p. 165; “In Battle Creek Over 63 Years: Mrs. Marguerite Ratelle, Who is 90, Recalls Early Day Experiences,” newspaper account, Oct. 2, 1919, in Ross Coller Collection, Willard Library, Battle Creek, Michigan; “Mrs. Chapman, B. C. Resident 82 Years, Dies,” Mar. 12, 1937, in Ross Coller Collection, Willard Library, Battle Creek, Michigan; obituary: “Mrs. Elmira Chapman,” Lake Union Herald, Mar. 30, 1937, p. 10. “Seven children were born” to the Ratelles, according to a newspaper account, “but only three lived to man and womanhood.” The “babe” mentioned in this entry is Joseph E. Ratell, born in 1858, who died some months later, in July 1859. See: “In Battle Creek Over 63 Years: Mrs. Marguerite Ratelle, Who is 90, Recalls Early Day Experiences”; on Joseph E., see burial records in Oakhill Cemetery, Battle Creek, Michigan. The oldest daughter, Elmira E., almost 11 at the time, became a lifelong Seventh-day Adventist. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Elmira Rotell [sic],” Michigan, Calhoun County, Emmett, p. 152; obituary: “Mrs. Elmira Chapman,” Lake Union Herald, Mar. 30, 1937, p. 10. Marguerite Ratelle overcame her health problems and died at 94. See: “Aged Resident Dies in Indiana: Mrs. Margarette Ratelle, 94, Receives Call,” newspaper article, Jan. 24, 1923, in Ross Coller Collection, Willard Library, Battle Creek, Michigan.
Walked to the office. Called to see Sister Sarah and Mother. Sarah gave me a little dress and two aprons for Sister Ratel's babe. I then called on Sister Aurora Lockwood [Aurora B. Lockwood].105 Sister of George I. Butler, who later served as General Conference president. Originally from Vermont, later living in Illinois, 32-year-old Aurora, and her husband, Ransom G. Lockwood, had recently moved to Battle Creek, where Aurora was employed at the Review publishing office. See: Obituary: “Aurora Butler Lockwood,” Review, Jan. 28, 1902, p. 15; Josiah Hart, “Business of Round Grove Conference,” Review, Mar. 18, 1858, p. 141; John Nevins Andrews et al., Defense of Elder James White and Wife, p. 61.
I rode down to the city and purchased a few things. Bought a little dress for Sister Ratel's babe. Came to the office, assisted them a little there and then came home to dinner. Sent the little articles to Sister Ratel. Mary Loughborough sends her another dress, so she will do very well now. Oh, that all knew the sweetness of giving to the poor, of helping do others good and making others happy! The Lord opened my heart to do all in my power to relieve those around me. Give me to feel my brother's woe! 1EGWLM 605.2
Unwell all day. Tried to write a little. Sister Kelsey and her son called on us. Sister Kelsey [Eunice Rebecca Kelsey]106 See: Jan. 29 notes. The situation described reflects the difficulties facing Eunice Kelsey, recently widowed with four children, and apparently trying to run a farm with the aid of her oldest son, aged about 16. (See Jan. 29 entry above.) See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Eunice Kelsey,” Michigan, Calhoun, Leroy, p. 226. The frequent contributions of the Kelseys to various church needs are attested to in the receipt columns of the Review. See: Search term “A.P.H. Kelsey” in Words of the Pioneers.
My health is very poor. Am troubled with severe cramp in my side. Have some fear as to the result. I cannot stand straight, and walk with much pain and difficulty. Intended visiting the brother Dan [?] John.109 The handwritten original is unclear, with some indication that the word “Dan” (or “Den”) has been crossed out, leaving just the name “John.” If this is the case, the reference may be to John N. Andrews, who arrived in Battle Creek on March 3 en route to Rochester, and that Ellen White was not well enough to meet him. The following day, March 4, however, Andrews had dinner with the Whites. (See entries for Mar. 3 and 4.) Medicinal use of “tomato wine” in the nineteenth century is chronicled by Andrew F. Smith. “Recipes for tomato wine were published beginning in the 1840s. J. P. Nichols’ recipe … was basically tomato juice with sugar. Nichols considered it medicinal … ‘far better and much safer for a tonic, or other medicinal uses, than the wines generally sold as Port Wines, etc. for such purposes. It is peculiarly adapted to some diseases and states of the system, and is particularly recommended for derangements of the liver.’” It should be noted that of the five mentions in her 1859 diary of Ellen White taking wine or giving it to others, in four cases the context makes it clear that it was for medicinal use (Ms 5, 1859 [Mar. 3, 10], Ms 6, 1859 [Apr. 15, May 7]). When Ellen White on April 13 simply stated that she “sent her [Sister Fults] a bottle of wine,” it can be safely assumed that this was also for a medicinal purpose. See: Andrew F. Smith, The Tomato in America, p. 190; James White, “A Little Grape Wine,” Review, Mar. 17, 1868, p. 220; EGWEnc, s.v. “Beverages.”
I have a strong desire to get nearer to God. My heart pants after God, the living God. My time is employed in sewing. Made two caps for my boys. In the eve, at the commencement of the Sabbath, we assembled at Brother T. Meade's [Thomas B. Mead] to pray for him, that God would heal him of his disease. He is fast going down, and unless God in mercy raises him, he will go down into the grave. We had unusual freedom in prayer for Thomas.111 Thomas Mead, who had earlier worked at the Review and Herald press, died of tuberculosis two years later, at age 33. See: Obituary: “Thomas B. Mead,” Review, Aug. 27, 1861, p. 103. When J. N. Andrews left for Rochester six weeks earlier (see notes under Jan. 14), James White described his trip as “an important mission.” Andrews later reported that he had done further research on the history of the Sabbath while in Rochester and that he would “soon forward” a manuscript to the Review. No doubt his research was done at the Rochester Theological Seminary library, which at this time had a collection of some 7,000 volumes, much of it in the area of church history. Some months later, in September 1859, Andrews’ 96-page pamphlet History of the Sabbath and First Day of the Week …” was published, priced at 10 cents. This was expanded to a 340-page book by the same title in 1861. See: J. W. [James White], [notice], Review, Jan. 27, 1859, p. 80; J. N. Andrews, “My Visit East,” Review, Apr. 28, 1859, p. 181; George Ripley and Charles A. Dana, ed., The New American Cyclopaedia: A Popular Dictionary of General Knowledge, s.v. “Rochester”; “History of the Sabbath,” Review, Oct. 22, 1861, p. 168; “New Works,” Review, Sept. 1, 1859, p. 120.
Did not attend meeting today. My husband was sick. Have remained with him to wait upon him. The Lord met with us and blessed us this morn. I had unusual liberty in prayer. Brother John Andrews preached twice today. He spent the eve and night with us. We enjoyed the visit much. 1EGWLM 607.1
Had an interview with Martha Byington [Martha Dormer Amadon (née Byington)].113 Identity: Martha Dormer Byington, daughter of John Byington, first General Conference president. This is one of several references showing that Martha Byington worked in the White home, at least sporadically, prior to her marriage to George W. Amadon in 1860. The earliest of these is a notation in her diary dated Sept. 4, 1857: “Arrived at Bro. White's in BC,” followed by “Began teaching White boys,” dated Nov. 12, 1857. See: Obituary: “Martha D. Amadon,” Review, Feb. 4, 1937, p. 21; Martha Byington, 1857 diary, notes on back cover; Ellen G. White, An Appeal to the Youth, p. 43. The identity of “Brother Hewitt” is not at first obvious, since a number of Sabbatarians with that surname lived in various places during this period. The same holds for the names Hart, Lyon, and Kellogg, mentioned in the following lines. However, the likelihood is that most of the men listed lived in Battle Creek or vicinity. This conclusion is based on the fact that the “meeting” that they attended was not advertised or reported in the Review, which no doubt it would have been if it had been held with representation from a wider area. If, then, the field is narrowed to the Battle Creek area, most likely the men referred to are David Hewitt, Henry Lyon, and John Preston Kellogg. No “Brother Hart” can be found living in the Battle Creek area during this time, so it remains uncertain whether the visitor was Asa Hart, of Ingham County, Michigan; A. G. Hart, from Iowa; P. Hart, from Connecticut; or some other Hart. See: Search terms “Hewitt,” “Hart,” “Lyon,” and “Kellogg,” in Words of the Pioneers; EGWEnc, s.v. “Battle Creek Congregation.” This report showing that leading Sabbatarian Adventists, including Ellen White, favored participation in the 1859 Battle Creek local election, is noteworthy. Although having strong views on moral issues such as slavery and temperance, most Adventists had until now rejected the path of political activism to achieve changes in society. “We declare our neutrality in politics,” Uriah Smith had asserted before the 1856 presidential election, “and refuse to take part in a contest so exciting as the one which is now agitating this nation.” The transition from such an apolitical stance to a more activist, albeit a selective and cautious activist, stance in the years that followed is traced in the studies by Syme, Gordon, Butler, and Morgan listed below. They also offer differing perspectives on the influence of premillenialism, views on the role of America in prophecy, and other factors in shaping Seventh-day Adventist perspectives on political involvement. See: “Politics,” Review, Sept. 11, 1856, p. 152; Eric Douglas Syme, A History of SDA Church-State Relations in the United States; Paul A. Gordon, “The Right to Vote—Shall I Exercise It?” Review, Sept. 18, 1980, pp. 4-7, and Sept. 25, 1980, pp. 11-13; Jonathan M. Butler, “Adventism and the American Experience,” in Edwin S. Gaustad, ed., The Rise of Adventism, pp. 173-206; Douglas Morgan, Adventism and the American Republic. Further details on the political struggle over temperance in the Battle Creek election of 1859 are given by Yvonne D. Anderson, “The Bible, the Bottle, and the Ballot: Seventh-day Adventist Political Activism 1850-1900,” Adventist Heritage, August 1982, pp. 39-41.
It is rainy today. It looks very gloomy without, but if the Sun of righteousness shines in my heart all is well and no outward appearance and gloom can make me sad. Today the votes are cast for town officers. 1EGWLM 608.1
It is a day when infirmities are striving for the victory. I suffer much pain in my left shoulder and lung. My spirits are depressed. Brother John Andrews leaves today. He came up to visit us in the eve. Had a pleasant interview. I got together a few things for him to take home. Send Angeline [Angeline Andrews]116 Identity: The setting here is John Andrews's imminent return home to Iowa and Ellen White's presents to his wife, Angeline, infant son, Charles Melville, and mother, Sarah L. According to the 1860 census, John Andrews and his family lived on the same farm as his parents, Sarah and Edward, in Allamakee County. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Edward Andrews,” Iowa, Allamakee, Waukon, p. 186. Although after the American Revolution the old colonial currency of pounds, shillings, and pence was replaced by dollars and cents, through force of habit many people continued to think in terms of the old currency. To accommodate such traditionalist thinking, retail prices and wages were often expressed in shillings and pence well into the nineteenth century although actual payment would be made in American currency (or with certain foreign coins that remained legal tender until 1857). The “exchange rate” applied to such transactions in Michigan, New York, and Ohio was set at eight shillings to the dollar, or 12.5 cents to the shilling. (Rather confusingly for the traveler, different exchange rates were employed in other states.) Thus when Ellen White wrote here of giving “nine shillings” and on March 10 of paying “nine shillings a week” in wages, this would translate into one dollar and 12.5 cents. See: Robert E. Wright, Hamilton Unbound: Finance and the Creation of the American Republic, p. 99; Daniel Adams, Arithmetic, p. 221. See: Feb. 8 entry. This letter is not in the White Estate archives. This person has not been identified.
I suffer so much pain in my shoulder, lung, and my whole side, I can write but little. Wrote six small pages to Sarah Whipple [Sarah B. Whipple].120 This letter to Sarah Whipple is not in the White Estate archives. One point of contact between Sarah, her husband, John G. Whipple, and the Whites at this time was their common concern for Michael B. Czechowski, the Polish ex-Catholic priest-turned-Sabbatarian Adventist preacher, who had recently started evangelistic work among French Canadians living in the vicinity of the Whipples in northern New York, close to the Canadian border. A few months earlier James White had appealed for contributions to the impoverished Czechowski family and specifically commended “Brn. Taylor and Whipple” for having “done much for him.” Later in 1859 Ellen White gave donated clothing to Sarah Whipple to be forwarded to Czechowski. See: James White, “Bro. M. B. Czechowski,” Review, Dec. 30, 1858, p. 48; E. G. W. [Ellen G. White], “Articles of Clothing,” The Good Samaritan, December 1859, p. 8; search terms “J. G. Whipple” and “Sarah B. Whipple” in Words of the Pioneers. For a survey of M. B. Czechowski's evangelism in New York 1858-1861, see Rajmund L. Dabrowski, “The Sojourn of M. B. Czechowski on the American Continent,” in Michael Belina Czechowski 1818-1876, pp. 106-116.
I visited my mother. Made her a black cap. In the eve Sister Mary Meade [Mary Jane Mead]121 Wife of Thomas B. Mead (cf. Mar. 4 entry).
Walked to the city and back. Was very weary. Purchased John F.122 This could well be John Quincy Foy, a 16-year-old from Maine who had come two years earlier to learn the printing trade at the Review and Herald Press. The 1860 census lists “John Q. Foy” as living with the Whites, which could explain why Ellen White is buying clothing for him. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “John Q. Foy,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Battle Creek, p. 6. See: Jan. 2 and Jan. 6 entries above, and variant in E. G. W. [Ellen G. White], “From My Diary,” The Good Samaritan, December 1859, p. 5.
For ten weeks the daughter has lived with us and we have paid her nine shillings [$1.12] a week. All but one dollar of this she has handed to her mother. Her clothes are poor, yet she does not appropriate any means to her own use. She forgets herself in her self-sacrifice and devotion to her parents. It was as affecting a scene as I have ever witnessed. The reluctance of the mother to accept, through necessity, the wages—all the wages—of a daughter, and the willingness and freedom of the daughter to have all go to her poor afflicted parents. 1EGWLM 610.2
The mother and daughter wept, and we wept. We aided them some. Paid half toward a pair of boots for a little brother—one dollar. I paid one dollar fifty for a pair of shoes for the mother. Husband gave her one dollar in money. Henry [Henry Nichols White, age 11] gave her ten cents, Edson [James Edson White, age 9] ten cents, and little Willie [William Clarence White, age 4] ten. Husband gave her five dollars more to buy a few luxuries for the sick one. We parted with considerable half-worn clothing to make over. We put up one pint [.5 liters] of rich grape wine124 See: Note under entry for Mar. 3.
It has been dark and stormy all day. It has rained and blown very hard. Husband has been preparing for a garden. Rather early spring. Large holes are prepared in the earth for the pieplant.125 Garden rhubarb.
Not able to attend meeting. 1EGWLM 611.1
Went to the office. Wrote two letters: one to J. Clark [Joseph Clarke],126 Identity: There are a number of persons with the names “Clark” or “Clarke” mentioned in the Review during this period, but the only ones said to live in Portage, Ohio, are Joseph Clarke and his wife, Sarah. The letters written by Ellen White to Joseph Clarke and Paul Folsom are not in the White Estate archives. See: Search terms “Clark” and “Clarke” in Words of the Pioneers. See: Feb. 9 entry.
Sister Decker128 Identity: Which “Sister Decker” this was cannot be determined. During this period Rachel Decker, of Iowa; Adelia M. Decker, of New York; Emma E. Decker; and Elizabeth S. Decker were mentioned in the Review. The letter and Ellen White's reply the next day are not in the White Estate archives. See: Search term “Decker” in Words of the Pioneers. This person has not been identified.
Wrote a letter of six pages to Sister Decker. 1EGWLM 611.4
George [George Washington Amadon],130 Identity: The information given here that “George” accompanied Ellen White to visit “Brother Irving” on March 17 finds its parallel in J. N. Loughborough's diary entry for that day. On March 17 Loughborough writes, “George and Sr. White at Bro Irvings to-day.” A month earlier, on Feb. 10, Loughborough again referred to “George”: “George paid me $5.00.” It is clear that Loughborough is referring to George W. Amadon, because in the accounts section of his 1859 diary it is revealed that “George Amadon” was boarding with the Loughboroughs “at 1.50 pr week,” with an entry for Feb. 10 reading “George paid cash $5.00.” Ellen White expanded on this date's entry in The Good Samaritan, December 1859, pp. 5, 6. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for Mar. 17. Identity: See Jan. 2 entry.
Finished the arrangement of letters to the office. 1EGWLM 611.6
Attended meeting in the forenoon. Brother Loughborough preached with great liberty upon the sleep of the dead and the inheritance of the saints. Tarried at home in the afternoon. Read to my children, wrote a letter to Brother Newton and wife,132 Identities: Which “Newton” this was of several Sabbatarians by this name cannot be determined. The letter is not in the White Estate archives. See: Search term “Newton” in Words of the Pioneers.
My health is very poor. Father and Mother are moving over their things today.133 Ellen White often used the expression “Father and Mother” to refer to James White's parents, John and Betsey White. When referring to her own parents, the Harmons, Ellen most often (though not always) used the form “my father,” etc. In this case there is clear evidence that Ellen is writing of John and Betsey White because of references in this entry and in the March 21 and March 24 entries to “Father and Mother” relocating. Property records confirm that James and Ellen White sold property to John White on March 22, 1859. See: Deed, Calhoun County, Michigan, liber 46, p. 164, Mar. 22, 1859, recorded June 29, 1859. The Irving farm was in Ross Township, Kalamazoo County, about 10 miles (16 kilometers) northwest of Battle Creek. See: 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “William Irvin,” Michigan, Kalamazoo County, Ross, p. 300. Although the exact date is not known, the Meads moved to Waukon, Iowa, in 1859. James White raised funds to enable them to buy a small house there. It is probable that the move mentioned in this diary entry relates to the Meads’ transfer to Iowa. The earliest mention of the Meads in Iowa is found in an entry in Ellen White's diary, Oct. 21, 1859 (Ms 8, 1859). For James White's fund-raising on behalf of Thomas Mead, see J. W. [James White], “Brother Mead,” The Good Samaritan, December 1859, p. 6; John Nevins Andrews et al., Defense of Elder James White and Wife, p. 18.
I suffer considerably in body, yet went down street to assist in buying Father and Mother things to keep house with. Returned home for dinner and finished the trading in the afternoon. I suffer much from weariness. Brother and Sister Grant [Walter and Nancy Grant]136 See: Feb. 10 entry.
Visited Brother Godsmark's [Richard Godsmark] and met with a hearty reception. Had a prayer meeting in the eve, at the stated time of their prayer meeting. We had quite a refreshing season, although there were but a few. 1EGWLM 613.1
Arose early. Assisted my husband and Brother Richard [Richard Godsmark] in taking up a currant bush to plant in our garden. Sister Hulda [Huldah Jane Godsmark] rode down to Battle Creek with us. Brother Richard and Orvilla137 Identities: The context of the entries for March 23 and 24 appears to be an overnight visit by the Whites to their friends Richard and Huldah Godsmark, living on a farm about seven miles (11 kilometers) from Battle Creek in Bedford Township. The identity of “Orvilla” is likely Arvilla M. Lane, age 21, daughter of Huldah Godsmark, from her first marriage, and still living at home. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Orvilla M. Lane,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Bedford, p. 118; Linda Andrews Alger, “The Lane-Godsmark Family,” pp. 6, 7.
Finished John138 See: Mar. 10 entry.
We arose early and walked down to see Brother Thomas. We learned that at the same hour that we were called out in prayer at home for Thomas that Brethren Kellogg [John Preston Kellogg] and Smith139 Identities: Although John Preston Kellogg had grown sons who also were members of the Battle Creek congregation, it is more likely that the title “Brother Kellogg” would be reserved for John Preston. As to the identity of “Smith,” this was no doubt either Uriah Smith or Cyrenius Smith, both members of the Battle Creek group. See: EGWEnc, s.v. “Battle Creek Congregation.”
Went to the office today to cover books. Sent out the things sent in for Brother Irving's [family]. 1EGWLM 614.1
Covered, or made, a mattress for the lounge. Very weary. In the eve folded and prepared different signatures140 The first steps in binding a book.
Quite unwell. Was obliged to rest in the forenoon. In the afternoon wrote three letters and had an interview with my father, which causes me much sadness of heart. They are going east. Father is a second child, but knows it not.141 “Second child” probably means “second childhood.” Apparently her father, in his old age, was beginning to lose his reasoning faculties. As for “going east” there is no record of the Harmons moving east at this time. Instead they traveled west to Illinois in July to spend time with their son, John B. Harmon (Ms 7, 1859 [diary entries July 22, 26]). None of the three letters written on this date are in the White Estate archives. See: Feb. 5 entry.
Set out the raspberry bush. Went to Mr. Manchester's [Elias C. Manchester]143 According to the 1860 census, the only “Manchester” family in Battle Creek was that of Elias C. Manchester, a prosperous merchant. The property on which the Whites built their house in 1856 had earlier belonged to E. C. Manchester, who sold it in 1855 to Cyrenius Smith,who, in turn, sold it to James White in 1856. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Elias C. Manchester,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Battle Creek, p. 11; H. B. Peirce, History of Calhoun County, Michigan, pp. 99, 100; Glenn Davis and Jean Davis, “Notebook, Vol. 1,” deposited at Historic Adventist Village, Battle Creek, Michigan, (section on Ellen and James White). Identity: It is likely that “Brother John Farnsworth” is the same “John Farnsworth” listed in the 1860 Battle Creek census, partly because his census entry is next to that of John Fletcher Byington, Adventist printer at the Review and Herald press, indicating that they were near neighbors. According to the census John Farnsworth was born in New Hampshire and was 26 years old. This raises the probability that “John Farnsworth” is, in fact, John P. Farnsworth, son of William Farnsworth, of Washington, New Hampshire, sometimes loosely considered “the first Seventh-day Adventist.” The only problem is the stated age, “26.” John P. Farnsworth was, in fact, 25 years old when the census was taken in June 1860. This discrepancy, however, is not serious, given the anomalies often found in census records. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “John Farnsworth,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Battle Creek, p. 27; SDAE, s.v. “William Farnsworth”; obituary: “John P. Farnsworth,” Review, Jan. 16, 1919, p. 31.
Sent off three letters—one to Brother Nichols [Otis Nichols]145 Identities: For Nichols, see Jan. 4. For Howland and Orton, see Jan. 3. None of the letters mentioned under Mar. 30 or 31 are in the White Estate archives. Identity: The name “Foey” first appears in Lt 28, 1850 (Nov. 27). It is argued there in a note that “Foey” is a misspelling of “Foy” and that Ellen White is probably referring to John Green Foy, living in Brunswick, Maine, just across the Androscoggin River from Topsham, Maine, where fellow member Stockbridge Howland lived. It is likely that Ellen White is referring to the same J. G. Foy in this diary entry, given that she is enclosing his letter with her letter to Stockbridge Howland, of Topsham, suggesting that Howland lived close to “Foey” and could personally deliver the letter to him. Ellen White would have had occasion to write to J. G. Foy, since it appears that his 16-year-old son, John Quincy Foy, lived, or had lived, with the Whites in Battle Creek (see Mar. 10 above).
Planted a patch of strawberries. Sent a letter of twelve pages of note paper to my sister. 1EGWLM 615.2
