April 1—June 30, 1859 1EGWLM 616.1
Diary, April to June. 1EGWLM 616.2
Portions of this manuscript are published in Ellen G. White, Selected Messages, book 3, pp. 262, 263; idem, Welfare Ministry, p. 325; idem, Manuscript Releases, vol. 3, pp. 142, 143; vol. 5, p. 218; vol. 7, pp. 217, 218; Arthur L. White, Ellen G. White: The Early Years, pp. 404-406.
Went with our team 50 miles [80 kilometers] to Jackson [Michigan].1 This trip to Jackson was part of a larger plan by the Whites to visit the churches in Michigan on a more systematic basis. “During the warm season,” James White explained in the Review on March 31, “[we] propose visiting a number of our churches [in Michigan] about once in three months, and being out somewhere nearly every Sabbath.” Visits to six Michigan churches followed in the next two or three months in accordance with the plan, but Ellen's health deteriorated during the early summer, and by July James had to cancel the ambitious schedule. “We cannot at present [continue]. Our team became unfit for use [and] Mrs. W. has not been able to journey.” See: James White, “Quarterly Meetings,” Review, Mar. 31, p. 152; idem, “Conferences in Michigan,” Review, July 14, 1859, p. 64.
We see something which teaches us a lesson in almost everything around us. As we journeyed along we met a smooth, clever-looking dog; as he trotted along, we noticed a large, fierce, savage-looking dog standing by the roadside looking very fierce, waiting the coming of the clever-looking animal, ready to pounce upon him. We thought we would watch the result. Soon the little dog that was trotting along noticed his fierce companion and slacked his pace. He seemed to understand the nature of his enemy and he dared not run by, but in a most humble manner crawled along upon the ground. Thus he continued to crouch and crawl until he had come up to the fierce-looking dog, who immediately pounced upon him. The dog would not battle but rolled upon the ground in a begging manner. The big dog could not fight alone. He left the clever, pleading animal, who was still afraid of irritating him. So he walked along slowly, acting as though he wished to run but did not dare to. At length he increased his pace a little until he was sure he could outrun the other big dog; then he ran along as fast as he could go, looking back to see if the other followed. If human beings would only manifest such humility under injustice as this dumb creature, how many unhappy quarrels might be saved. 1EGWLM 616.4
Brother Meade's2 Identity: This may be a reference to the family of Thomas B. Mead of Battle Creek (“50 miles [80 kilometers]” distant), mentioned in the diary a few weeks earlier (see Mar. 4, 9, 20). No members surnamed “Mead[e]” are known to have lived in Jackson or its vicinity at this time. See: Search terms “Meade” and “Mead” in Words of the Pioneers. Identity: Anthony and Achsah Burwell lived in Parma, close to Jackson. No other Burwells appear in the Review from this period. See: Obituary: “Anthony L. Burwell,” Review, Jan. 28, 1873, p. 55; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Ashash [sic] Burwell,” Michigan, Jackson County, Parma, p. 19; search term “Burwell” in Words of the Pioneers. Identity: “Brother and Sister Gregory” lived in the same neighborhood as the Burwells, i.e., in Parma, and “recently commenced to keep the Sabbath.” This matches the situation of John and Esther Gregory. According to Esther's obituary, published three years later, she and her family lived in Parma, and her husband had “some three years since … commenced keeping the Sabbath of the Lord.” Her husband's name was obtained from the 1860 census. See: Obituary: “Esther C. Gregory,” Review, Apr. 29, 1862, p. 175; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Jno Gregory,” Michigan, Jackson County, Parma, p. 21.
Nothing of particular interest occurs. In the even attend to the ordinances.5 The fact that church ordinances were “attended to” in Jackson on this occasion was probably in response to a letter of complaint that had appeared in the Review just a few days earlier. In his letter J. Whitmore noted that the Jackson members “have not had the ordinances of the Lord's house administered to us in a long time, only once I believe in three or four years.” This was not an unusual situation. When Ellen and James White visited the believers in Wright and Caledonia, Michigan, a few weeks later, in each case it was the first time the members had participated in these rites. (See May 2 and May 4 entries below.) For the transition from a sporadic observance of the ordinances in the 1840s and 1850s toward a quarterly observance in the 1860s and beyond, see Roger H. Ferris, “The Ordinances of Foot-Washing and the Lord's Supper in the Seventh-day Adventist Denomination.” See also: J. Whitmore, “Extracts From Letters,” Review, Mar. 31, 1859, p. 151. Identity: Although the Review during this period mentions several persons with the name “Palmer,” only “D. R.” Palmer (Dan R.) and his wife (Abigail) are identified as living in Jackson, Michigan. Dan Palmer, according to historian A. W. Spalding, was the first Adventist in Michigan to accept the Sabbath message, in 1849. See: Search term “Palmer” in Words of the Pioneers; Arthur Whitefield Spalding, Origin and History of Seventh-day Adventists, vol. 1, p. 251.
Stayed at Jackson today. Visited Brother Gurney [Heman S. Gurney].7 Identity: See Lt 12, 1857 (Jan. 30).
It is cold and windy, yet we returned home. Took dinner at Brother Burwell's. They gave us six dozen eggs, three chickens, and a few dried apples. Brother Burwell handed me one dollar for Brother Irving's family, and Sister Palmer [Abigail Palmer] handed me $1.25 for [supplying] Agnes [Agnes Irving]8 Identity: See Jan. 2 and 6 entries (Ms 5, 1859).
Finished covering the lounge. Sister Frisbie [Delphia Jane Frisbie]9 Identity: For her husband, J. B. Frisbie, see Jan. 20 diary entry above (Ms 5, 1859). The full name of his wife, Delphia Jane, was obtained from her obituary and other sources. See: Obituary: “Delphia Jane Frisbie,” Review, Feb. 6, 1908, p. 31. Louisa C. Bovee, 22, married to shoemaker Seymour C. Bovee.
Spent my time, two-thirds of the day, writing to Brother and Sister Church.11 These individuals have not been identified.
Made my husband a neck stock.12 Although the earliest extant photograph of the White family, dated about 1857, shows James wearing some type of neckstock, later photographs show no evidence of decorative neckwear. In his 1865 compendium Health: or How to Live James White included an article by Dr. R. T. Trall that was hostile to any kind of neckwear on health grounds. “The common neck-stock or cravat is one of the worst articles known: by confining and heating the throat, it predisposes to colds, rheumatism, quincy, bronchitis, etc.” However, the evidence, photographic or otherwise, is too scanty to come to any reliable conclusions as to whether James White avoided cravats, etc., on principle. See: R. T. Trall, “Dr. Trall on Clothing,” in James White, ed., Health: Or How to Live, sec. 5, p. 3; Ron D. Graybill, “Heirloom: Leaves From Ellen White's Family Album,” Adventist Heritage, Spring 1982, p. 6.
Rose early and rode about 12 miles [19 kilometers] to Convis to meet with the saints there. The ride was refreshing. Called at Brother Brackett's [Ezra Brackett].13 Identity: The only Brackett family in Convis according to the 1860 census was that of Ezra and Mary Brackett. Both “Mary Brackett” of Convis and “E. Brackett” are mentioned in the Review from this period. Mary Brackett had begun to keep the Sabbath about two years earlier. Ezra had followed about a year later. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Ezra Brackett,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Convis, p. 184; search term “Brackett” in Words of the Pioneers; obituary: “Mary D. Brackett,” Review, Mar. 7, 1882, p. 158.
It is very rainy. Think it impossible to get to the meeting today. We will do what good we can in Brother Brackett's family. Sister Smith [Laura Smith], her husband [William Smith]14 Identities: The list of charter members of the Convis Seventh-day Adventist Church, organized in January 1861, includes only one Smith family, “William Smith and wife.” The name of his wife, Laura, was obtained from census and obituary sources. See: H. B. Peirce, History of Calhoun County, Michigan, p. 154; 1870 U.S. Federal Census, “Laura Smith,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Convis, p. 8; obituary: “Laura Smith,” Review, June 25, 1872, p. 15. Nevertheless, two years later when the Convis church was organized, William Smith was listed among its charter members. As to his children, his daughter Mary “kept the Sabbath with her parents” before her untimely death in 1860, age 17. William Smith's younger son, Stephen, also seems to have seriously considered joining the movement. “I saw that angels of God were seeking to attract … [Stephen] to the truth,” Ellen White wrote in 1865. “He was turning partly away saying, ‘Not yet. I cannot yet yield to the restraint of life religion imposes.’” See: H. B. Peirce, History of Calhoun County, Michigan, p. 154; obituary: “Mary Smith,” Review, Apr. 26, 1860, p. 183; Ellen G. White, Ms 4, 1865 (c. 1865).
Spent most of the day making a garden for my children. Feel willing to make home as pleasant for them as I can, that home may be the pleasantest place of any to them. 1EGWLM 620.1
Continued to make garden. Went down to Sister Benedict's [Millie Benedict]16 See: Jan. 5 entry (Ms 5, 1859). See: Apr. 15 entry and biographical sketch of Joseph Perry Benedict.
Went down to Sister Fults'[?].18 This person has not been identified. See: Mar. 3 entry (Ms 5, 1859).
Very windy; keep close indoors today. 1EGWLM 620.4
[See also Lt 18, 1859, written on this date.] 1EGWLM 620.5
Write extracts of a letter to Doctor Naramore [John Naramore].20 Identity: See Jan. 3 entry (Ms 5, 1859). For the text of the extracts from the letter to John Naramore, see Lt 18, 1859 (Apr. 14). An edited version of the extracts, without personal references to Dr. Naramore, was published in the Review two weeks later. See: E. G. W. [Ellen G. White], “The Sinner's Trials,” Review, Apr. 28, 1859, pp. 181, 182. See: Mar. 3 entry (Ms 5, 1859).
Rode seven miles [11 kilometers] to Ceresco, to attend a meeting with the brethren. The meeting was comforting to the church. The Lord met with us and we were all refreshed. Praise His dear name. After meeting closed, took supper with Brother Hide's22 Identity: This mention of a “Hide” family living in or near Ceresco should be compared with J. N. Loughborough's diary account, also from 1859, in which he visits a “Bro. Hyde” while in Ceresco. It is likely that Loughborough is referring to the same family and that he has the correct spelling. One possibility is that Ellen White is referring to Margaret S. and John Hyde, of the adjacent township of Newton, where John Byington and Charles Glover, also mentioned in this entry, lived. The obituary for Margaret Hyde in 1891 establishes that she and her husband had lived in Newton Township since the 1840s, and implies that their connection with Sabbathkeeping Adventists went back to the very early period. The name “Margaret Hyde” appears among Review receipts in 1862 but without giving her address. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entries for Jan. 27, 29, Feb. 13; search terms “Hide” and “Hyde” in Words of the Pioneers; obituary, “Margaret S. Hyde,” Review, Jan. 6, 1891, p. 15. See Feb. 13 entry (Ms 5, 1859). Identity: According to the 1860 census, the only Glover family in Calhoun county was that of Charles S. Glover. It further indicates that Charles S. Glover was one of the neighbors of John Byington, leaving little doubt about the identity of the “Brother Glover” and his family. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Charles Glover,” “John Byington,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Newton, p. 244. Identity: Of the three families mentioned in this entry, the only family member named “Martha” in the 1860 census is 25-year-old Martha Byington. This identity is confirmed by the reference in this entry to Martha's serious illness and the prayers that were offered on her behalf. Two months later, on June 21, Ellen White wrote to John Byington and reminded him that “God had been very merciful to you. God has heard the earnest prayers put up in Martha's behalf, and spared her life when she was marked for the grave.” See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “John Hyde,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Newton, p. 237; “Charles Glover,” “John Byington,” p. 244; Ellen G. White, Lt 2, 1859 (June 21). Other sources provide some explanation for Byington's “cold and unfeeling” mood. Six months earlier, at the request of James White, the Byingtons had sold their long-term home in Buck's Bridge, New York, and moved to the Battle Creek area. The move involved financial loss, which caused John Byington to descend into a state of “gloom and unbelief” (Lt 28, 1859). Although Byington had previously been an active itinerant preacher, for about a year from the summer of 1858 there is no record of his filling any preaching appointments. Finally, in July 1859, after receiving challenging letters from Ellen White, he resumed his evangelistic work. “He looked happier than I had seen him for months,” Ellen noted in her diary on July 12, 1859. “Says after a week he is going out to labor for the Lord.” In 1863 Byington would be elected the first president of the newly organized General Conference. See: Obituary: “John Byington,” Review, Jan. 25, 1887, pp. 57, 58; Ellen G. White, Lt 28, 1859 (June/July); Lt 2, 1859 (June 21); Ms 7, 1859 (July 12 entry); search term “Byington” in Words of the Pioneers.
Again visited Brother Byington. Had a good, sociable time with the family, but Brother Byington is cold and cloudy. His heart is all on this world. The Lord pity and bless him. My husband is afflicted with an ulcered tooth. It was snowing. Cleared off. At noon concluded to venture to the meeting. There were but few out. Husband talked in pain. We then rode home seven miles [11 kilometers]. 1EGWLM 622.1
Husband's tooth still very painful. My heart troubles me much. A collection of water around it. Am much pressed for breath. Received a number of excellent letters. One from Mary Chase [Mary S. Chase].27 See: Feb. 8 entry (Ms 5, 1859). Identity: In other documents, Ellen White consistently uses the name “John White” to refer to her brother-in-law, John W. White, a Methodist clergyman living in Ohio at this time. Ellen's father-in-law was also a “John White,” but she normally addressed him as “Father White” or just “Father.” In addition, he was living in Battle Creek at the time and would therefore have no need to send a letter to James White. See: Ellen G. White, Lt 25, 1871 (July); Lt 9, 1881 (Oct. 20); Lt 59, 1884 (Sept. 11); Lt 61, 1884 (Nov. 27). Both spellings, “Brizzee” and “Brazee,” are found in the Review. Emily Brazee lived in New York State and had known Ellen White at least since 1852, possibly from the late 1840s. See biographical sketch. While living in New Bedford, Massachusetts, Emily Brazee's mother had started keeping the Sabbath in the 1840s through the efforts of Joseph Bates. It is possible that Emily Brazee also had taken the same step at that time. See biographical sketch. Identity: See Jan. 3 entry (Ms 5, 1859).
My heart still troubles me. There seems to be a heavy weight upon it. In the eve Brother Hilliard [Aaron H. Hilliard]32 Identity: Aaron H. Hilliard's obituary notes that he moved from “Northern New York” to Michigan “in the spring of 1859.” In the May 19, 1859, Review James White adds the information that “Bro. A. Hilliard and wife from N. Y. have joined” the church in Otsego, Michigan. Clearly it is Aaron Hilliard and family who stayed overnight with the Whites en route to Otsego, as described in the April 19 and 20 diary entries. The Hilliards are best known in Adventist history for the fact that it was in their home that Ellen White received her groundbreaking health vision in 1863. See: Obituary: “Aaron H. Hilliard,” Review Sept. 2, 1875, p. 71; J. W. [James White], “Report From Bro. White,” Review, May 19, 1859, p. 204; Richard W. Schwarz and Floyd Greenleaf, Light Bearers, pp. 104, 105.
Brother Hilliard's family left for their new home at Otsego. May the Lord counsel them, is my prayer. Mary Loughborough [Mary J. Loughborough] and Carrie Carpenter [Caroline Carpenter]33 J. N. Loughborough's accounts for 1859 show that 20-year-old Carrie Carpenter worked in the Loughborough home at this time. Since she was paid only $1.00 per week, she probably also lodged there. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary.”
Worked on a rug. Wrote a letter to Daniel Bourdeau [Daniel T. Bourdeau].34 A 24-year-old French Canadian living in Vermont, Daniel T. Bourdeau had become a Sabbathkeeper about two years earlier. He was well known to the Whites since he had subsequently spent considerable time in Battle Creek translating tracts and other publications into French. He then returned to northern Vermont and at the time of this letter was a traveling preacher, mostly reaching out to the French-speaking population on both sides of the Canadian border. This letter is not in the White Estate archives. See: James White, “The Present Truth in French,” Review, Dec. 24, 1857, p. 56; D. T. Bourdeau, “Letters,” Aug. 5, 1858, p. 94; search term “D. T. Bourdeau” in Words of the Pioneers.
Suffer for breath. 1EGWLM 623.3
Sister Brackett [Mary Brackett],35 See: Apr. 9 entry above. Identity: “Sister Lane” is said to come from Convis. The 1861 list of charter members for the Convis, Michigan, church includes “Thomas Lane and wife” and “Mrs. Sarah Lane,” and it seems unclear at first which of the two women is being referred to in this diary entry. Ellen White, however, adds the information that “Sister Lane” has a daughter. Of the two, only Sarah Lane had a daughter, Caroline, age 18. Thomas and Maria Lane, who married in 1856, had only one son, Charles, age 1. It therefore seems fairly certain that Sarah Lane is indicated here. See: H. B. Peirce, History of Calhoun County, Michigan, pp. 154, 155; 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Sarah Lane,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Convis, p. 179; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Thomas Lane,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Convis, p. 180. Identity: A few weeks later a Mary Scott from Convis wrote to the Review telling of her baptism on April 23 in Battle Creek, thus in every detail matching the information given on “Sister Scott” in Ellen White's diary. There are good reasons for concluding that this Mary Scott is Mary A. Scott, whose obituary appears in the Review of Jan. 19, 1905. Among other things, the obituary informs us that Mary A. Scott “accepted present truth … forty-six years ago” which coincides with the April 1859 date for her baptism recorded in the diary. See: Mary Scott, “From Sister Scott,” Review, May 19, 1859, p. 207; obituary: “Mary A. Scott,” Review, Jan. 19, 1905, p. 23. The identity of this person has not been established.
Brother Palmer [Dan R. Palmer]39 See: Apr. 2 entry.
For self, $2.00; for J. Foey,40 Given that this seems to be a list of expenditures for White family members, “J. Foey” might well refer to 16-year-old John Quincy Foy, who apparently was living with the Whites at this time and is listed among the family members in the 1860 census (see Ms 5, 1859 [Mar. 30 entry]). For earlier evidence of Ellen White spelling “Foy” as “Foey,” see notes under Lt 28, 1850 (Nov. 27), and Ms 5, 1859 (Mar. 30 entry).
Went to the office in the morning. Stayed through the day. Prepared an article for the Review, and wrote a short piece for the Instructor;41 The Review article referred to must have been “The Sinner's Trials,” published a few days later on April 28, the last Ellen White article to appear in the Review during 1859. “The Sinner's Trials” was an edited version of Ellen White's letter to Dr. Naramore two weeks earlier (see under Apr. 15 above). As to the “short piece for the Instructor” Ellen White submitted items for both the April and May 1859 issues of the Youth's Instructor. See: E. G. W. [Ellen G. White], “The Sinner's Trials,” Review, Apr. 28, 1859, pp. 181, 182; E. G. White, “Little Ellen,” Youth's Instructor, April 1859, p. 32; Ellen G. White, “Be Lovely,” Youth's Instructor, May 1859, p. 36.
Worked hard all day on a dress to wear through the mud. Brother Benedict tried to borrow money to discharge a debt. Was unable to let him have it for that object, for necessity was in the Office. 1EGWLM 624.4
Agnes [Irving] left for home today.42 Agnes Irving's father had only a few weeks to live at this point. Doubtless his serious illness caused her to go home for two weeks, even though the wages she earned for working in the White home were desperately needed by her family (see Ms 5, 1859 [Mar. 10 entry]).
Up quite early and started on our journey. Roads are very bad. Traveled 50 miles [80 kilometers]. Were greatly exhausted when we reached Brother Gerould's [Lyman Gerould]43 Identity: See Jan. 26 entry (Ms 5, 1859).
Again we started on [our] journey to Grand Rapids. Roads bad until we gained the plank.44 That is, the plank road. See Jan. 18 entry (Ms 5, 1859). Identity: See Jan. 19 entry (Ms 5, 1859). Identities: See Jan. 19 entry (Ms 5, 1859).
Attended meeting today. About 200 present. It was a good meeting. Husband preached upon the law of God in connection with baptism. A Mr. Palmer47 This person has not been identified. One of those present, M. M. Elmondorph, tells a little of the content of this exhortation. “My heart beat in unison with the testimony of Sister White, as in her exhortation she tried to point us forward to the near coming of the Saviour, and the beauties of the earth made new.” See: M. M. Elmondorph, “From Sister Elmondorph,” Review, July 7, 1859, p. 54.
A good congregation. The Lord met with us in the afternoon and eve. The fore part of the day we were not idle. We called on Brother Tubbs [Ira B. Tubbs].49 Identity: Five males between 18 and 40 years of age with the surname “Tubbs” are listed in the 1860 census for Wright, Michigan. Four of them, probably all five, were sons of Ira Tubbs, age 60, also living in Wright. Ira and his wife, Hannah, had become Sabbatarian Adventists in 1857, but it is unclear which if any of the grown sons had joined the movement by 1859 at the time of Ellen White's visit. However, even if one or more of the sons had joined, it seems likely that Ellen White would reserve the title “Brother Tubbs” for the father, Ira. See: 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Ira Tubbs,” Michigan, Ottawa County, Wright, p. 16; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Philander Tubbs,” Sylvester Tubbs,” “Ira Tubbs,” Michigan, Ottawa County, Wright, pp. 118, 122. Identity: The information given that “Brother and Sister Ferguson” lived in or near Wright and that they had no children suggests that Ellen White is referring to Justus and Lucretia Ferguson. According to Justus Ferguson's Review obituary, he lived in Wright from about 1850 to his death in 1878, and the 1860 census affirms that the couple had no children, or at least none living at home at this time. See: Obituary: “Justus Ferguson,” Feb. 7, 1878, p. 47; 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Justen Furgeson,” Michigan, Ottawa County, Wright, p. 122. Identity: The only McPhersons living in Wright Township according to the 1860 census were Samuel A.; his wife, Polly; and their children. The Review confirms that there was a Brother “S. A. McPherson” living in Wright during this period (more precisely in the village of Berlin, located within Wright township). He had started keeping the Sabbath a year earlier, in the spring of 1858. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Samuel McFerson,” Michigan, Ottawa County, Wright, p. 121; S. A. McPherson, Review, “Extracts From Letters,” Apr. 7, 1859, p. 159. The 1860 and 1870 censuses list the value of Samuel McPherson's real estate at $4,000, although he may have had additional undeclared real estate assets. See: 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Samuel McFerson,” Michigan, Ottawa County, Wright, p. 121; 1870 U.S. Federal Census, “Samuel McPherson,” Michigan, Ottawa County, Polkton, p. 14.
We met together again to break bread and wash the saints’ feet. It had never been practiced by them,53 James White adds, in his account, that it was “Monday at 9 A. M.” when they met “to attend to the ordinances of the Lord's supper and washing of feet.” Roger Ferris in his study of Sabbatarian observance of the Communion service in the 1850s notes that it was “often celebrated in the evening” and surmises that this was because of a “sincere desire to emulate … in every detail” the Passover as it was practiced by Christ and in the Old Testament. The Whites do not appear to have prioritized such thinking, at least not in Wright, where they had spent three days, or in Caledonia two days later, where the ceremony was observed “in the afternoon” (see May 4 entry). On the observation that the ordinances “had never been practiced by them,” see under Apr. 2 above. See: J. W. [James White], “Report From Bro. White,” Review, May 12, 1859, p. 197; Roger H. Ferris, “The Ordinances of Foot Washing and the Lord's Supper in the Seventh-day Adventist Denomination,” p. 22. Martin Cole, who was present, later wrote to the Review: “It was the first time that I ever had the privilege of taking part in that spirit-humbling and pride-annihilating ordinance, even the washing of feet. There it seemed that every evil desire and bad wish was cleansed from each heart, and nothing but pure love abounded.” See: Martin V. Cole, “From Bro. Cole,” Review, July 7, 1859, p. 55.
Rode to Caledonia. 1EGWLM 627.1
Attended the ordinances in the afternoon. It is the first time they have ever attended to this exercise. It was a solemn, interesting season. 1EGWLM 627.2
By combining the information given under May 5 and 6 with James White's account, it appears that on May 5 the Whites reached Allegan, where they stayed overnight with Dr. Lay.
See: J. W. [James White], “Report From Bro. White,” Review, May 19, 1859, p. 204.
Thursday, May 5 1EGWLM 627Started on our way to Monterey. We are both weary and worn.56 At this point in the journey, James White notes, they had driven their team “about 120 miles [193 kilometers], much of the way over desperate roads” since setting out from Battle Creek the previous Thursday. Muddy roads appear to have been the greatest obstacle to travel. On this day they came across “some natives stuck in the mud” on the road ahead. “The Indian and squaw got out and waded through the water and mud, and their famishing team drew out their papooses.” It was then the turn of the Whites to pass the muddy stretch. “We sat in the carriage, and between hope and fear watched the desperate struggles of our team, who soon took us to the dry land.” See: J. W. [James White], “Report From Bro. White,” Review, May 12, 1859, p. 197; idem, “Report From Bro. White,” Review, May 19, 1859, p. 204.
Rode from Dr. Lay's [Horatio S. Lay]57 Identity: See Jan. 10, 1859 (Ms 5, 1859). Identity: See Jan. 12, 1859 (Ms 5, 1859).
In great weakness attended the meeting. Could not remain. Obliged to leave and lie down until dinner time. They got me wine and raw egg,59 Commonly recommended medication for general debility at the time. Thus “A Treatise on the Practice of Medicine” (1858 edition) advises that “Should the failing strength require further support … sometimes it becomes necessary to have recourse to the most stimulating food, as essence of beef … milk-punch, egg and wine, etc.” James White gives more detail in 1868 regarding Ellen's occasional use of this mixture. “During the past year, Mrs. W. has, at three or four times, had feelings of great debility and faintness in the morning. … To prevent distressing fainting at these times, she, immediately after rising, has taken an egg in a little pure, domestic, grape wine, perhaps a spoonful at a time. … During the past year, she may have used one pint of wine.” In later years, as methods for preserving wine/grape juice from fermentation became available, Ellen White still recommended the egg-wine mixture under certain circumstances, but this time with unfermented wine. Thus she advised Dr. Kress in 1901, severely ill with pernicious anemia: “Get eggs of healthy fowls. … Drop them uncooked into the best unfermented wine you can find. This will supply that which is necessary to your system.” See: George B. Wood, A Treatise on the Practice of Medicine, vol. 1, p. 239; James White, “A Little Grape Wine,” Review, Mar. 17, 1868, p. 220; Ellen G. White, Lt 37, 1901 (May 29); note under Mar. 3 entry (Ms 5, 1859). Through the years the Whites had experimented with a range of simple remedies when illness struck. Prayer and faith in God were never thought of as excluding the use of such remedies. Ellen White's use of “a wet sheet pack” as described here is one of probably only two or three mentions of the Whites using water therapy in the 1850s. In 1855 James tried to cure his cough and painful throat and lungs through “faith in God, cold water compresses, and bathing, Hough's syrups, rest, … walking, running, horse-back riding etc.” Although water treatment (“hydropathy”) was experiencing a good deal of popularity in antebellum America, the Whites seem to have been more cautious than convinced of its value at this stage, but willing to try it. The 1860s were to see a radical change in their attitude. See the following Ellen White documents with accompanying notes: Lt 8, 1849 (May 29); Lt 11, 1853 (Dec. 3); Lt 5, 1854 (Dec. 16); Ms 2, 1855 (Aug. 26). Also: James White to “Bro. Abram,” Mar. 11, 1855; EGWEnc, s.v. “Hydrotherapy.” For a summary of the early history of hydropathy in the United States, see Ruth C. Engs, Clean Living Movements: American Cycles of Health Reform, pp. 95-98.
Rode to Otsego.61 In Otsego James White spoke to “a large congregation assembled in the tavern dance hall.” “We declined occupying the fiddler's stand,” reported White, “and took the middle of the floor, with the people all around us.” See: J. W. [James White], “Report From Bro. White,” Review, May 19, 1859, p. 204.
Looks like rain, yet we prepared to return home. 1EGWLM 628.3
Very weary and sick. 1EGWLM 628.4
My heart troubles me much. 1EGWLM 629.1
Attended meeting in the forenoon. Brother Loughborough preached. It was an appropriate discourse. It enlightened my mind some concerning the message to the Laodiceans.62 J. N. Loughborough notes in his diary for May 14 that on this Sabbath morning “I spoke with much freedom from the 1st Ps. ‘Pay thy vows unto the Lord.’” It is likely that the article “Vows,” by Lougborough, appearing a few weeks later (June 16) in the Review, is a transcript or summary of his May 14 sermon, since it is prefaced by the same text from Psalm 1 and the content closely follows Ellen White's description given in this diary entry. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for May 14; J. N. L. [J. N. Loughborough], “Vows,” Review, June 16, 1859, p. 29; EGWEnc, s.v. “Laodicean Message.” Ellen White is no doubt meditating on the following line of reasoning in Loughborough's sermon concerning the reason for the “delay,” as it later appeared in his Review article. “When the Laodicean message was given [late 1856], we thought surely the message of the third angel would soon go forth with a loud cry. All that were not zealous the Lord will spue out of his mouth…More than two years have passed since that message was first given. … We supposed the spueing out was immediately to come; but character must first be developed…God is weighing his people.” Loughborough was not the first to raise the question of the why the Laodicean message, given more than two years earlier, had not led to greater reform among members. In December 1858 M. E. Cornell reminded Review readers of “the hope [that] was entertained that this message would prepare the people for the latter rain” and asked pointedly, “Why is it not done?” Loughborough's suggested explanation found its confirmation in Ellen White's vision of June 9 (see June 4 entry below) as published in Testimony for the Church, No. 5, a week or two later. “God will prove His people. Jesus bears patiently with them, and does not spew them out of His mouth in a moment. … If the message had been of as short duration as many of us supposed, there would have been no time for them to develop character. … [God] gives them time for the excitement to wear off, and then proves them to see if they will obey the counsel of the True Witness.” See: J. N. L. [J. N. Loughborough], “Vows,” Review, June 16, 1859, p. 29; M. E. Cornell, “The Laodicean Message,” Review, Dec. 16, 1858, p. 32; Ellen G. White, Testimonies for the Church, vol. 1, pp. 186, 187; EGWEnc, s.v. “Loud Cry” and “Laodicean Message.”
Agnes Irving commenced work again.64 See: Apr. 27 entry above.
Health poor. Pressed for breath. Have had strange symptoms. My tongue has grown numb. 1EGWLM 630.2
Went down to the city. Purchased a dress. Laid out for self, $2.75. 1EGWLM 630.3
Mother came to visit me. She appeared to be in better spirits than usual. Received two letters from Sophrona Peckham [Sophronia Peckham], giving an account of her husband's death. He had only five days’ illness. She writes that he embraced the Sabbath before his sickness. She has hopes in his death.65 Sophronia's husband, Job B. Peckham, of Volney, New York, had died on March 19, age 35. Nine years earlier, in 1850, Ellen White had warned Sophronia that Job's whole focus “was to get this world” and that “he had sapped her [spiritual] strength.” (Both spellings of her first name [“Sophronia” and “Sophrona”] appear in the sources.) See: 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Job B. Peckham,” New York, Oswego County, Volney, p. 351; “Peckham, Job B.,” RootsWeb, Mt. Pleasant Western Cemetery, Volney, N. Y. (n.d.), June 24, 2003, www.rootsweb.com/~nyoswego/cemeteries/mtpleasntwestvol4.html; Ellen G. White, Ms 7a, 1850 (Aug. 24). Identity: The identity of this niece is uncertain. Although speculative, what little evidence there is suggests that Ellen White is referring to her sister Harriet McCann's daughter, Melissa Tapley. According to the description given, this niece had stayed in the Harmon home for some 14 years. This could explain why the 1850 census lists a girl named “Melissa,” age 11, living in the home of Robert and Eunice Harmon even though they were both listed as 66 years old and had no daughter by that name. Adding some weight to this proposal is the fact that the birth year for this Melissa would be about 1839, which matches the year of birth of Melissa Tapley, also 1839 according to the genealogist Artemas C. Harmon. Detracting somewhat from this line of reasoning is the opinion that the niece was “not expected to recover.” Melissa Tapley confounded such predictions by living at least into her 70s, as attested by the 1910 census. However, she does seem to have had continued poor health. Ellen White noted in 1886 that Melissa “has no health, but is liable to die any time.” See: 1850 U.S. Federal Census, “Robert Harmon,” Maine, Cumberland County, Gorham, p. 291; Artemas C. Harmon, ed., The Harmon Genealogy, p. 79; 1910 U.S. Federal Census, “Mellissa C. Tapley,” Maine, York County, Saco, p. 13A; Ellen G. White, Lt 95, 1886 (Feb. 16). Identity: According to the obituary appearing on June 9, “Bro. E. Frisbie of Battle Creek, the aged father of Eld. Joseph B. Frisbie, was killed on the 17th ult.” He was thrown from a wagon when the team became frightened, “one of the hind wheels … striking his head immediately back of his right ear, and causing almost instant death.” In History of Washtenaw County, Michigan, E. Frisbie's first name is given as “Elihu” (p. 754) or “Elisha” (p. 778). Federal and Michigan census records tend to support “Elihu.” See: Obituary: “Bro. E. Frisbie,” Review, June 9, 1859, p. 23; History of Washtenaw County, Michigan, pp. 754, 778.
Miserable in health and depressed in spirits. My husband attended the funeral of old Brother Frisbie today, then he left Battle Creek to go in the cars to Allegan to attend his appointment.68 According to J. N. Loughborough's diary, James White did not leave for Allegan but went in the opposite direction to Jackson and on to Hillsdale. It seems that Loughborough is right on this point, since the Review had advertised “a Conference in Hillsdale, Mich., May 21st and 22nd,” adding that “Bro. and sister White design to be present.” The reason Ellen White did not accompany James on this trip as advertised was, no doubt, that she was “miserable in health and depressed in spirits,” as she put it. See: J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entries for May 19, 21; “Conference at Hillsdale,” Review, May 12, 1859, p. 200.
I sometimes think that my work is done, and feelings come over me that I am of no use, can do no good; and then it seems as though it would be a sweet relief to rest in the grave. Everywhere I look there is a lack of vital godliness, and my whole heart is sick. I shun company. It seems so hollow and heartless, no God or heaven in it. Oh, how I desire solitude! I love to be alone. My disposition has been trusting, confiding, but I have seen so many false hearts and friends, a mistrust and disgust has fallen upon me. I seem to have no power to break it. 1EGWLM 631.2
Have felt deeply today for my dear children. Prayed with them and for them. They may soon be left without a mother's care. Disease is bearing me down. My heavenly Father alone knows my almost constant pain. I have found some relief in prayer today. It did seem that the Lord heard me and would pity me. I am sorry I feel so deeply and am so sensitive. But few can enter into or understand my feelings or trials. But God knows all. He is acquainted with the whole burdened heart. May the Lord be pleased to revive my courage, and lift up my desponding heart and water it with the dew of heaven, that it may flourish again. Have cut out Johnny69 This may be John Quincy Foy. See Mar. 10 entry (Ms 5, 1859).
Not able to go to meeting in the forenoon. Unable to sit up. Felt unable to attend in the afternoon, but resolved to go. Suffered much pain in my side while sitting. Brother Frisbie preached: “In such an hour as ye think not, the Son of Man cometh.” After he sat down, Brother Bates [Joseph Bates]70 Identity: See Feb. 4 entry (Ms 5, 1859).
Feel a little better in body. In the afternoon Brother [Ransom G. Lockwood] and Sister Lockwood [Aurora Lockwood]71 Identities: See Mar. 1 entry (Ms 5, 1859). Identity: See Jan. 5 entry (Ms 5, 1859). Identity: See Feb. 8 entry (Ms 5, 1859).
My mother came to visit me. She seems quite cheerful. At noon my husband came unexpectedly. I was very glad to see him. My prayers have been for him, morning and night, that God would be with him and return him to us again in safety. 1EGWLM 632.3
Agnes [Irving] left for her home today.74 Her father, seriously ill, died on June 4. See Jan. 6 entry (Ms 5, 1859). “I have not seen [him] for twenty years,” Ellen noted in her diary when John Harmon and his wife arrived in Battle Creek on July 22 (Ms 7, 1859 [July 22 entry]). These letters are not in the White Estate archives.
Feel very languid. Oh, why is it that such gloom rests upon everything? Why can I not rise above this depression of spirit? 1EGWLM 632.5
Attended meeting all day. Felt pressed in spirit to bear a straight testimony upon pride, love of fashion. God is separating His people from the world. He is purifying them unto Himself, and those who will not heed reproof, who choose to possess their own way, to manifest the evil passions of the heart, will be left behind. God will have a pure and a holy, self-denying, cross-bearing people. The message to the Laodiceans looks clearer to me. I see God will not do His work of spewing out until character is developed, His professed people proved, tested, and tried. Now God is proving His people to see if they will obey Him. “Be zealous … and repent.” If they will not, He will spew them out of His mouth. There are some among us of whom God will soon say, “Their sins shall not be cleansed with sacrifice or offering forever.” Like the house of Eli, a heavy curse will rest upon them.76 Cf. with meditation on the Laodicean message in May 14 entry.
A company came from Moscow [Michigan]. They tarried with us over night.77 A “General Conference” to be held in Battle Creek had been advertised for the weekend June 2 to 6 with a “general invitation … extended to all, east, west, north and south, to attend.” The delegations from Moscow and Monterey stayed in the White home, and explains why the Whites had 35 persons for dinner on June 6. General instructions given to members coming from out of town were that “our sleeping rooms will be given up to females,” whereas “the brethren will have the next best chance in our barns, in the Tent, or on unoccupied floors in our houses.” See: James White, “General Conference,” Review, May 19, 1859, p. 8.
A number came from Monterey and stopped with us. Am sorry that I cannot enjoy their company. I have no health and my mind is completely depressed. 1EGWLM 633.2
Was very sick and much discouraged.78 Ellen White sums up her sickness and depression endured during this period in the pamphlet Testimony for the Church, No. 5, published shortly after June 16. “Disease seemed to make continual progress upon me, and I thought that I must lie down in the grave. I had no desire to live, therefore I could not take hold of faith and pray for my recovery.” The crisis came one night when “I fainted at midnight. Brethren Andrews and Loughborough were sent for, and earnest petitions were offered to God in my behalf. The depression, the heavy weight was lifted from my aching heart, and I was taken off in vision.” Ellen White's biographer, Arthur White, surmises that the vision was received on June 4, but it was more likely on June 9 when J. N. Loughborough records in his diary, “at 10 p.m. I was called to go and pray for Sister White. She had a vision of 12 minutes.” The disparity between “midnight” and “10 p.m.” seems within the margin of human error given the circumstances. See: Ellen G. White, Testimonies for the Church, vol. 1, p. 185; E. G. W. [Ellen G. White], “Testimony for the Church No. 5,” Review, June 16, 1859, p. 32; Arthur L. White, Ellen G. White: The Early Years, p. 407; J. N. Loughborough, “Diary,” entry for June 9. For a summary report of the conference meetings and business proceedings, see “The Conference,” Review, June 9, 1859, p. 20, and Joseph Bates, Uriah Smith, “Business Proceedings of the General Conference of June 3-6, 1859,” Review, June 9, 1859, p. 21.
Went to the tent for meeting. Was so feeble did not enjoy it much. The tent was well filled. Brother J. N. Loughborough preached in the forenoon on faith. It was a profitable discourse. J. N. Andrews preached in the afternoon upon the Sabbath, or rather the two laws. The attention of all was arrested and there was great attention. His exhortation was solemn and impressive. 1EGWLM 634.1
Attended meeting in the morning. It was a meeting of deep interest. I had opportunity to bear my testimony. It was the best meeting of all, and when the people left, all united in saying it was the best conference they ever attended. At dinner we had thirty-five. 1EGWLM 634.2
We were all much worn out. 1EGWLM 634.3
Sister Diantha [Diantha Wilkinson (née Benedict)]80 Identity: See comments on the identity of “Brother Benedict” under Jan. 5 entry (Ms 5, 1859). Two months earlier in her diary Ellen White sympathized with the Benedict family: “They are poor and Brother Benedict is very feeble; unable to work” (Apr. 12). It seems that the work provided for daughter Diantha (June 12-17 entries) and Mrs. Millie Benedict (Lt 10 and Lt 15, 1860 [Oct. 12 and Nov. 21]) was one of the ways the Whites tried to help the family.
Diantha helped them fold at the Office. 1EGWLM 634.5
Diantha went home early in the afternoon. Brother Andrews, Uriah [Uriah Smith], and Harriet [Harriet Smith]82 Identities: The only “Uriah” from this period of Sabbatarian history is Uriah Smith. The coupling of “Uriah” with “Harriet” makes certain that the reference is to Uriah's wife, Harriet.
We rose early and rode to Brother and Sister Benedict's. 1EGWLM 634.7
Diantha left early to do a little job for herself. Brother Day [John S. Day]83 Identity: See under Jan. 12 (Ms 5, 1859).
We went to the tent meeting at Marshall.84 J. N. Loughborough and J. N. Andrews held a series of public meetings, June 16-July 3, in Marshall, Michigan, about 12 miles (19 kilometers) from Battle Creek. See: J. N. Andrews, J. N. Loughborough, “Tent Meeting at Marshall,” Review, Aug. 11, 1859, p. 93. Identity: See Apr. 16 entry.
Could not go to the tent meeting on account of rain. Took dinner at Brother Byington's [John Byington]. Then Martha [Martha Dormer Amadon (née Byington)]86 Identities: See Apr. 16 entry. I.e., Battle Creek.
Was very sick all day. 1EGWLM 635.3
Was a little better. 1EGWLM 635.4
[See also Lt 2, 1859, written on this date.] 1EGWLM 635.5
Very unwell, yet Martha and self visited Sister Daigneau88 Identity: The reference here, quite likely, is to Vitaline M. Daigneau, a French Canadian Sabbatarian who lived just a few dozen yards (meters) from the Whites until the mid-1860s. This inference is strengthened by the coupling of “Sister Ratel” with “Sister Daigneau,” since Marguerite Ratelle and Vitaline Daigneau were sisters as well as fellow believers. Detracting somewhat from any firm conclusion is the possibility that Ellen White is instead alluding to Vitaline Daigneau's mother-in-law, Domatile Daigneau, who also lived close by. In Lt 10, 1861 (Oct. 18), Ellen White indicates that Domatile had been an Adventist (a “sister”) at an earlier period, but it is not clear whether this was the case in 1859 when Ellen White visited “Sister Daigneau.” For a comprehensive collection of local government, local press, as well as Adventist sources related to the Daigneau and Ratelle families, see Glenn Davis and Jean Davis, “Notebook, Vol. 1” (section on Daigneau). See also 1860 U.S. Federal Census, “Vitaline Daigneau,” “Domatile Daigneau,” Michigan, Calhoun County, Battle Creek, pp. 5, 6. Identity: See Feb. 28 entry (Ms 5, 1859).
Sister Cranson [Mary Jane Cranson]90 Identity: See Jan. 3 entry (Ms 5, 1859). Mary Cranson's health had declined since her husband's death of tuberculosis in 1855. Within a few months after this diary entry, she was so “feeble” that she was “unable to do her housework” and care for her children. The Good Samaritan reported in February 1860 that the Battle Creek church had supported Mrs. Cranson with $3 per week since August 1859. She died a few months later, leaving three orphaned children. See: Harriet N. Smith, Ann J. Kellogg, Huldah Godsmark, “Widow Cranson,” The Good Samaritan, February 1860, p. 12.
[See also Lt 28, 1859, written circa June/July 1859.] 1EGWLM 636.2