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    February 16, 1899

    “Front Page” American Sentinel 14, 7, p. 97.


    AN ounce of principle outweighs a pound of policy.AMS February 16, 1899, page 97.1

    IN the shadow of despotism, the principles of the Constitution and Declaration of Independence are discerned but dimply.AMS February 16, 1899, page 97.2

    IF we have left the Constitution behind us, it is because we have turned our backs upon it.AMS February 16, 1899, page 97.3

    THE pinnacle of greatness is dangerous standing ground for either an individual or a nation.AMS February 16, 1899, page 97.4

    [Inset.] THE NEW TEMPTATION ON THE MOUNT—“Behold, all this will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me.”AMS February 16, 1899, page 97.5

    THE United States stands upon a lofty summit of national greatness, and from this vantage ground the tempter presents all the glories of imperialism, which he will give simply in return for homage to himself. What matters it if the nation does overstep a few theories and principles set up in the government a hundred years ago, when world-wide empire is to be gained or lost? This is the thought in the mind of Columbia, and she hesitates. What will be the decision? Will she say to the tempter, “Get thee behind me”? or will she put behind her the Constitution and Declaration of Independence, and bow to the dictates of Despotism?AMS February 16, 1899, page 97.6

    “Note” American Sentinel 14, 7, p. 98.


    THE first battle has been fought, and the first blood shed, by the United States Government, in pursuance of a policy of foreign conquest.AMS February 16, 1899, page 98.1

    Sixty American soldiers, and several thousands of Filipinos, have met death in armed conflict at Manila. This is the first fruits of imperialism, but not by any means the last that it will bear.AMS February 16, 1899, page 98.2

    Upon whom rests the responsibility for this terrible affair? Does it rest upon that party in the Government which favored the recognition of the right of the Filipinos to govern themselves? or upon that party which refused to give to them any assurance that the purpose of the American forces in the Philippines was friendly to such a government as the natives desired?AMS February 16, 1899, page 98.3

    Does the blame for this bloodshed rest with the party which counseled a peaceful attitude toward the Filipinos? or with that party which refused to modify an attitude of unmistakable hostility? Does a peaceful attitude provoke strife? or is strife provoked by menace?AMS February 16, 1899, page 98.4

    There is no principle with which the Government’s action can be harmonized except such as has always been offered in justification of foreign conquest. It is genuine imperialism; and the pretense that it is anything else is so thin and illogical that we may expect such pretense to be shortly laid aside altogether.AMS February 16, 1899, page 98.5

    “Human Rights” American Sentinel 14, 7, pp. 98, 99.


    MEN are human. Human rights are those which belong to men simply because they are men.AMS February 16, 1899, page 98.1

    Rights, in this connection, signifies that which belongs personally to you and me; and which can never justly be taken away. We cannot resign them, they cannot be justly exercised by any other person or combination of persons anywhere. There is no exception to this; for when we speak of rights it must be unqualifiedly and without exception. To speak of rights with an exception, is to deny in fact the thing which we profess and which we claim in behalf of rights.AMS February 16, 1899, page 98.2

    Human beings possess rights by direct endowment of the Creator. Whoever disregards the rights of men, shows disrespect to the Creator. Whoever encroaches upon the rights of men ignores the prerogative of God. Therefore, of all people in the world, those who stand before the world as Christians should be the most respectful of the rights of men, and the most vigilant and tenacious in regarding those rights.AMS February 16, 1899, page 98.3

    The Bible is given to instruct men how to be Christians. The Bible is addressed to all men for the sole purpose of causing them to become Christians: and meets its purpose only in those who do become Christians. Practically, therefore, the Bible is addressed only to Christians: and the shining in these of the light which they have so received makes them the light of the world.AMS February 16, 1899, page 100.1

    Sacred regard for human rights is a Christian virtue. And for people who stand before the world as Christians, to disregard human rights is doubly wrong: in that it is wrong in itself, and turns the light into darkness, causing others to stumble on in darkness instead of showing, as they are set to show, the better way.AMS February 16, 1899, page 100.2

    The fourteenth chapter of Romans briefly covers the whole ground of instruction to all men, and especially to Christians, as to true respect for human rights. This fourteenth chapter belongs really to the thirteenth; for it is a direct continuation of the subject introduced in the beginning of the thirteenth chapter. There is much truth lost many times by holding strictly to the chapter divisions. If it were borne in mind that often the chapter divisions are just where they ought not to be, much would be gained in Bible study.AMS February 16, 1899, page 100.3

    The thirteenth and fourteenth chapter of Romans deal with exactly the same subject,—the relationship of individuals as Christians to all men both as individuals and as organized in governments—as individuals and as “the powers that be,“—powers that are beyond the individual.AMS February 16, 1899, page 100.4

    The first verse of the thirteenth chapter says, “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resist shall receive unto themselves damnation.”AMS February 16, 1899, page 100.5

    Next we are told what we are to render to the powers that be,—“Tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honor to whom honor.” Then the law of God is quoted, showing wherein “the powers that be” have no jurisdiction at all.AMS February 16, 1899, page 100.6

    While the powers that be may have jurisdiction of things which concern man’s relation to his fellowman, by which “the powers” would protect one from the encroachment of another, these powers have no jurisdiction whatever in those things which belong between men and God. The thirteenth chapter sets forth those things which belong to the powers that be, and all the commandments which are referred to are those which touch only the relation to men with men; and not at all the relation of men to God. Love is the fulfilling of the law. Love worketh no ill to his neighbor, therefore love is the fulfilling of the law.AMS February 16, 1899, page 100.7

    The fourteenth chapter goes right on with the same subject—“Him that is weak in the faith receive ye, but not to doubtful disputations,” etc. We are not to judge anybody when they do not do as we do; nor when they do not do as we think they ought to do; nor when they do not do even as God says they ought to do.AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.1

    We are not to judge anybody at all; because every one of us shall give an account of himself to God. “Who art thou that judgeth another man’s servant? to his own master he standeth or falleth. Yea, he shall be holden up; for God is able to make him stand.” Jesus said, “Call no man master, for one is your Master, even Christ; and all ye are brethren.” (Matthew 23:8) James also speaks of this: “Be not many masters, knowing that ye shall receive the greater condemnation.” (James 3:1). Many masters receive greater condemnation: then what would few masters receive?—Less condemnation. Then what would no master at all receive?—No condemnation. The more masters the more condemnation: then only condemnation goes with mastership at all.AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.2

    Whoever assumes mastership of anybody’s conduct, wishes, faith, rights, or his standing before God, comes under the condemnation of Him who is the master of all individuals alike. As the Lord Jesus has bought at an infinite price every soul in the world, he alone is master of each soul in the world. Each one is responsible to him; and to him alone that person stands or falls. Each one is forbidden to judge any other man, because we shall each one stand before the Judgment seat of Christ to give an account of himself, not of somebody else. I must give an account of myself to God; not of you.AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.3

    A. T. J.

    “What It Means to America” American Sentinel 14, 7, p. 99.


    FROM the recent press dispatches from Manila, we know what the imperial policy of the American Government means to the inhabitants of the Philippines. It will be well to inquire what it means also, if anything, to inhabitants of the United States.AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.1

    It may be commonly supposed that the policy carried out in far-off lands means nothing to the people at home, and that the latter need not therefore concern themselves particularly about it. No view of the subject could be more short-sighted.AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.2

    Imperialism as an adopted policy of the American Government, means new definitions of the words “patriotism,” “treason,” “pulic enemy,” etc., for the American people.AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.3

    This is not merely true in theory; it is already evident in existing facts. Not the following language of a New York City daily, which voices the sentiment of the imperialists in this matter:—AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.4

    “Certain members of the United States Senate misunderstand their position in, mistake their relation to, the country. They are not merely part of a defeated minority, as they might have been on any measure of entirely domestic concern. They are accomplices in a crushed conspiracy. It is quite within the merits of the case and the proprieties of speech to call them revolutionists who have failed, and therefore, rebels. But, whether we exercise that privilege or not, the fact remains that they have been banded with the armed and savage foes of their country against their country. In some respects they differ not at all from the white men whom Jackson found and hanged in the camp of Florida Indians. In others they approach the status of the members of the Hartford Convention, and in others that of the Secessionist members of Buchanan’s Cabinet, the most notorious of whom shipped arms to southern arsenals on the eve of rebellion. Their continuance of support to the ‘government’ of the dictator Aguinaldo after its followers had opened fire on the American outposts at Manila, in pursuance of a published and widely-circulated declaration of war against this country, undoubtedly constitutes them traitors in law and traitors of a sort for whom no sentimental sympathizers would go bail.”AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.5

    These “certain members of the United States Senate” were those members who adhered to the principle of government by the consent of the governed, as maintained in the Declaration of Independence, and vindicated by the terrible ordeal of the Civil War. For their adherence to this principle, than which until less than a year ago no principle was considered more plainly or firmly established in American Government, these men, and members of the Senate at that, are denounced as rebels and traitors, who ought to be arrested and held without bail. This sentiment is mere sentiment as yet, but in the natural order of things it will come to be clothed with the authority and power of law.AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.6

    This is what imperialism means to the opposing minority in Congress, and what it means to the like minority among every class of American citizens.AMS February 16, 1899, page 99.7

    “Noted” American Sentinel 14, 7, p. 106.


    THE United States Government is having trouble with the Filipinos. The latter want their freedom, and evidently distrust their ability to secure this under American rule.AMS February 16, 1899, page 106.1

    Why is this? There is one feature of the situation which is sufficient to account largely for the friction that exists, if indeed it is not the foundation of the whole difficulty. That is the respective attitudes of the Filipinos and the American Government towards the papal institutions in the islands.AMS February 16, 1899, page 106.2

    Archbishop Ireland says the Philippine leader is jealous of the authority of the priests. That may well be said of the whole Philippine people. They do not need to be told that they cannot have self-government while the authority of the priests remains.AMS February 16, 1899, page 106.3

    The Filipinos want to be rid of the priests; but upon this point they have good reason to distrust the intentions of the United States. For in the expedition that was sent to the islands under General Merritt, to free the people from the yoke of Spain, was a Roman Catholic priest—the representative of that very despotism from which they most desire to be free. Is it any wonder that the Filipinos should distrust the freedom promised by a Government which sends to them such an emissary, and show a determination to resist its authorship by force of arms?AMS February 16, 1899, page 106.4

    There is good reason to believe that this question of freedom from the yoke of the papacy is at the bottom of the whole trouble.AMS February 16, 1899, page 106.5

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