THE following remarks we select from an article by James Powell, D. D., under the above heading, in the Advance. The article was called out by the action of the Pope summoning priest McGlynn to Rome to answer for his part in the Henry George campaign for mayor of New York City, last fall.AMS June 1887, page 42.1

“The fact is, the Pope claims the right, and exercises it, to interfere directly with American politics. This fact ought to be a startling message to the whole country. If any queen, king, or emperor on the face of the earth were to interfere with the politics of the country, as the Pope has done in this case, the war fever would take possession of the land inside of twenty-four hours. The silence of the press on this point is almost entirely owing to the dangerous character of the political teachings championed by the priest in advocating the electing of Henry George. Socialism is a justly dreaded evil because of its destructive doctrines, but the truth or falsity of political doctrines affects not the principle that foreign powers must not be allowed to interfere with the rights of American citizens. We give that principle away, when, without protesting against the interference, we commend the Pope for dealing with Father McGlynn as he has.AMS June 1887, page 42.2

“Suppose that the priest had been silenced, and ordered to Rome to answer for openly defending the pubic-school system in opposetion to the direction of is archbishop, where would be the difference so far as the principle is concerned? It would not be any more an interference than in the case under consideration; yet had it been so, from one end of the land to the other, the press and pulpit would have been heard speaking out. Interference of any kind, and to any degree, with American politics, on the part of the Pope, should be resented not only by popular protest, but by the State Department of our Government at Washington. The Pope should be given to understand that when he summons an American citizen to answer in Rome for political acts and words performed and spoken in the exercise of his political rights, he assails the Republic.AMS June 1887, page 42.3

“No jugglery of word definition should be allowed. Rome is well up on that little trick. She knows how to make the word religion elastic enough to mean anything that is wanted. She can easily make a definition to mark any political theory she wishes as “contrary to the teachings of the church,” and then, under the pretext of discriminating between religion and politics, proceed by anathema and excommunication to carry out her purpose. The Republic is not called upon to accept her definitions. It is intelligent enough to make its own, and strong enough to stand by them. This incident of Father McGlynn is a providential opportunity to hold up the Papacy before the people as it really is,—a foreign power claiming the right to interfere with Governments. It is the old story.AMS June 1887, page 43.1

“It will not do to say the Rome does not allow its priests to mix in politics. It does. It has done it. Priests are all the while mixing in politics. So long as they are fighting our common-school system, the very bulwark of our free institutions, not a word is heard from the bishops; they are all in it themselves. Nor from the Pope; that is in the line of his temporal policy. But when a priest takes a political position that antagonizes the theories of Rome, then politics becomes religion—a definition does it—and the poor priest, if he fails to see it in this light, is declared to be disobedient to the holy mother church, and exposed to all the censures and punishments that belong to all the censures and punishments that belong to the heretic. And what is that? The loss of his soul. So he himself and all good Catholics must regard it. What a terrible engine this for working mischief in the Republic! Whatever the outcome, whether Father McGlynn submits or leaves, the incident is full of meaning and significance. Press, pulpit, and platform ought to give it full ventilation.”AMS June 1887, page 43.2

Yes, the press, the pulpit, and the platform ought to give it full ventilation, but they will not. Instead of giving this menace full ventilation or any ventilation at all, press, pulpit, and platform will pay assiduous court to Rome, and invoke her further interference. Rev. C. C. Stratton, D.D., one of the foremost men of the Methodist Church on the Pacific Coast, visits the Archbishop of San Francisco to form an alliance, in a political measure. The late Rev. A. A. Hodge, D.D., one of the foremost men of the Presbyterian Church in all the country, only a little while before his death proposed a like alliance, to force religion into the public schools. The National Reform party, composed of “all evangelical denominations” and the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, bids for the help of Rome, and pronounces itself willing to suffer rebuffs to gain her help to amend the Constitution of the Nation so as to make it recognize and enforce a national religion. The press of the Nation publishes whole columns of cablegrams from Rome, telling how imposing are the parades and ceremonies of the Pope, what crowds of people attend, how they fall on their knees as the Pope enters in state, how many kiss his hand, and to whom is granted the sublime dignity of kissing his toe. Government vessels of the United States, carrying official representatives of the Government, put the Papal flag in the place of honor, instead of the Stars and Stripes. And this is the way in which the pulpit, the platform, the press, and the Government, give full ventilation” to the interference of the Pope with American politics!AMS June 1887, page 43.3

A. T. J.

“The Doings of National Reform” The American Sentinel 2, 6, pp. 45, 46.

ATJ

WE herewith present to our readers a report of the doings of National Reform assembled in convention in the city of Pittsburgh, and also a summary of the work of the Association for the past year.AMS June 1887, page 45.1

The Convention assembled Wednesday evening, May 11, at 7:45. After the formalities of opening there was a speech by Rev. T. P. Stevenson, editor of the Christian Statesman, and one by Rev. J. P. Mills, the Methodist Episcopal “District Secretary” of National Reform; after which Dr. McAllister closed the evening meeting with a statement and an appeal. The statement was that the Association began the year with a debt of between $2,500 and $3,000, and that the work had been carried forward on so broad a scale that there had been a little added to the debt, although the receipts had been over $7,000. Four men had been laboring all of the time, and three others a part of the time. One man had preached 150 sermons, delivered 60 addresses, and had written articles by the score.AMS June 1887, page 45.2

He stated that the successful work in the South had awakened enthusiasm in the North, especially in Pittsburgh. He said: “There is developing one of the grandest movements the world ever saw,—a work that is to bring the North and South together. It will bring together all patriots. If we can unite the Christian sentiment of North and South, we shall bridge what has been called the ‘bloody chasm.’” The appeal was then for funds to carry on the work. “In the South men of all the different denominations are ready to take hold. There ought to be three or four men to go all through the South, to organize the work. The cause is worthy of your confidence and your means.”AMS June 1887, page 45.3

“Secretary” Weir is the man who has just made a tour through the South, and an account of his trip was made the special order for the evening session on the morrow.AMS June 1887, page 45.4

The first thing after the opening exercises on the morning of the 12th, was the annual report of the Corresponding Secretary. He stated that “the past year has been memorable in the history of the cause, because never before was there such a readiness to receive our speakers. We had speakers at Ocean Grove, at Chautauqua, and at Saratoga. At Saratoga was the most hearty reception. Arrangements have been made for an all-day session at Ocean Grove the coming season, also at a popular resort in Maryland, and near Chicago, and for a three days’ session at Lakeside, Sandusky, Ohio. The Christian Statesman has been placed in 289 reading-rooms of the Young Men’s Christian Association. More than 30,000 of the old series of National Reform documents, and 5,000 of the new series, have been distributed. So that, including the Christian Statesman, there has been circulated by systematic and habitual distribution 2,710,000 pages of National Reform literature.”AMS June 1887, page 45.5

“Besides the regular lectureship of the Association, there have been nearly fifty volunteer lecturers, who have given about 100 lectures. The greatest help has been by the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union. Two years ago the Union established a department of Sabbath observance. One year ago, at the suggestion of National Reform, the Union established a department on the Bible in public schools.” The secretary himself had addressed their National Convention, and they had thanked him.” Of the monthly responsive readings of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, three were in the line of National Reform—one on God in Government, one on Sabbath observance, and one on national sins. Miss Willard loses no opportunity to declare that the Government rests on His shoulders. Both Miss Willard and Mrs. Woodbridge addressed the workingmen and introduced National Reform ideas. And not the least gratifying sign is the fact that for the first time in our history the fear of God has found a place in political platforms. And that this opportunity might be made the most of, the following memorial had been framed, and is to be sent to every person that can be reached; to be signed and returned:—AMS June 1887, page 45.6

“‘The undersigned, who has sympathized and acted with the———party, desires that the future platforms of that party shall not fail to contain an acknowledgment of Almighty God as the source of authority and, power in civil government, of Christ as the king of all nations, and of the supreme authority of his moral laws; together with declarations favoring the prohibition of the liquor traffic, the defense of the Sabbath, the Christian features of our public education, and a national marriage and divorce law in harmony with the law of Christ. The names of women are desired as well as the names of men!’AMS June 1887, page 45.7

“This with the special design of pressing the subject upon the attention of all parties at their next National Convention.”AMS June 1887, page 45.8

Also last fall an “admirable draft” for thanksgiving proclamations in the name of Christ had been sent to all the governors, but the request had been complied with in only one instance, and that was Governor Scales, of North California. In conclusion he stated that “never before were there echoes of National Reform from so many, nor so influential, quarters,” and referred to statements made by Dr. Talmage, “Sam” Jones, Joseph Cook, and others.AMS June 1887, page 45.9

Next there was given the reports of District Secretaries. Secretary Foster reported 135 sermons, 65 lectures; interviewed 10 presidents of colleges, 30 professors, and 12 editors; preached in 12 Presbyterian and 11 Methodist Churches, and lifted collections averaging $109.78 a month. And the people ready for National Reform!AMS June 1887, page 45.10

Secretary Wylie reported for “three months, spent mostly in Michigan and Indiana, especially in connection with the Prohibition Campaign in Michigan. Delivered 25 sermons, 39 lectures, visited 2 annual conferences of the United Brethren Church, and 1 of Free Methodist, and 3 colleges. No difficulty to get a hearing in colleges.”AMS June 1887, page 45.11

Secretary Weir reported that from April 1, 1886, to February 4, 1887, he had addressed in the aggregate over 7,000 people, received over $500, traveled 6,400 miles, held 97 interviews, and addressed 4 synods, 2 colleges, and W. C. T. Unions in 3 places. All signs he said point to this as the hour when these things should be pressed upon political parties. “If our enemies say these things shall stay out, we must be determined that they shall go in.” He spoke of “the workingmen, whom Socialism, and Anarchism, and Catholicism, are all trying to catch.” But in the Executive Committee the day before it had been decided that National Reform must secure the workingmen, and that they could best be secured through the agitation of the Sabbath, for workingmen do not want to work on the Sabbath.AMS June 1887, page 45.12

Secretary Mills reported seven months’ work principally in his own conference, Northern Ohio, and chiefly among M. E. Churches. He published a small sheet himself to help spread his views; gave 12 lectures a month on National Reform direct; collected in all $375.AMS June 1887, page 46.1

Secretary Coleman had addressed 9 meetings, 2 ecclesiastical bodies, and 5 colleges. The coming year the way is open to reach twice as many colleges. He said, “The bad are growing worse, and the good are growing better.”AMS June 1887, page 46.2

A series of about twelve resolutions was introduced. But neither in the resolutions nor in their discussion was there anything developed that had not been covered in the speeches and reports, except in the one in which the convention complimented the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union. One speaker caused a good deal of sparring by saying that he “would not have the ballot put into woman’s hands.” Mr. Stevenson remarked that he foresees far larger results from the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union influence in National Reform than even they themselves realize. Within five years they have bid their hand on the legislation of twenty States, and have secured scientific temperance instruction in the public schools. Another speaker said: “This movement is bound to succeed through the influence of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union.”AMS June 1887, page 46.3

Another said: “When we get women and Christ in politics, and they will both go in together, we shall have every reform, and Christ will be proclaimed King of kings and Lord of lords.”AMS June 1887, page 46.4

The chairman closed the debate on this resolution by saying that “when woman undertakes anything good she will do it. And if she attempts anything bad she will accomplish that. What Ahab would not do Jezebel did. And what Herod would not do to John the Baptist otherwise, his wife caused him to do.” No one attempted to explain just exactly where, in this observation, there lay the compliment to the W. C. T. U. It seemed to the SENTINEL representative that the compliment was rather backhanded. And yet we could not help wondering whether in the end the observation might not prove true and the simile appropriate, even though it be not preeminently complimentary as it stands.AMS June 1887, page 46.5

Rev. Mr. McConnel, of Youngstown, Ohio, proposed the formation of “a Praying League, to be composed of all who are interested in this movement, to covenant together to offer a prayer at the noon hour, wherever they may be, every day till our prayer is answered in the abolition of the liquor traffic, and till this nation is made God’s kingdom.” The proposition was heartily endorsed by the convention, and Mr. McConnel was given charge of the concern.AMS June 1887, page 46.6

Thursday evening, the closing meeting, Secretary Weir occupied in giving the account of his Southern trip. It began February 24 and closed May 11. During this time he delivered 42 addresses, visited 7 States, traveled 2,800 miles, addressed 7,700 people, collected $157.07, and held 103 interviews, three of which were with the governors of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. The others were with preachers, professors, officials of Woman’s Christian Temperance Unions, and editors. Meetings were held in 6 churches of different denominations. Out of the 42 meetings 24 were in these churches; some were even union National Reform meetings. In Raleigh, N. C., the Methodists and Presbyterians united. He gave addresses in 16 educational institutions, 9 of which were colored, and he never had, he said, more attentive listeners. His reception throughout was cordial. “Never,” said he, “was I better treated than by the people of the South. All denominations, every one of them, all gave a hearty welcome to the cause of National Reform.” He only met three people who flatly opposed National Reform, and all three were ministers.AMS June 1887, page 46.7

Mr. Weir described the outlook as most promising. He said: “Any man can take National Reform principles and carry them safely and satisfactorily all through the South. In Atlanta, among all the leading people, there was no need to explain National Reform. They understand it, and are ready to join hands with us. I believe it is going to be a walk-over in the South. A confederate brigadier said, ‘I am a Southerner, was a confederate soldier, a secessionist. But all that is past now, and I am ready to join hands with you at once.’ And nine out of every ten will do the same thing.”AMS June 1887, page 46.8

Mr. Weir then closed with the impressive appeal: “Don’t we see in this our opportunity—an opportunity such as seldom comes to any cause? It will have a welcome everywhere. Don’t we see how it will build for the unity of the nation? Don’t you see in this the unifier of this nation? Some say prohibition will unite them, but this it is that is to do it.”AMS June 1887, page 46.9

And we could not possibly say but that it is true. We have not space for any further comment, but only to remark, that in view of these plain statements of fact in the progress of the National Reform movement in a single year—all given in sober earnest, and none with any air of extravagance nor of braggadocio—how much longer shall the movement have to prosper so, how much longer will it have to grow, before the American people will awake to the fact that the National Reform movement, which bears in its train the union of Church and State, with all the evils that accompany such an illicit connection, is on the eve of a fearful success? How long shall the AMERICAN SENTINEL have to stand alone amongst the journals of the nation in pointing out the dangers that threaten religious liberty in this land of freedom? How long?AMS June 1887, page 46.10

A. T. J.

May 1887

July 1887